Wednesday, November 14, 2018

Reservation- a tool of development or myth to garner political power.



Reservation is an arrangement to have something kept for a person or group of persons or for a special purpose: or an area of land made available for a particular disadvantaged group of people to live in.
The Indian reservation system was created on the bases of system adopted in USA to keep Native Americans off of lands that European Americans wished to settle. The reservation system allowed Indian tribes to govern themselves and to maintain some of their cultural and social traditions
The primary objective of the reservation system in India is to enhance the social and educational status of underprivileged communities and thus improve their socio-economic status.
The system of reservation in India comprises a series of measures, such as creating an  access to seats in the various legislatures, government jobs, and enrollment in higher educational institutions. The reservation nourishes the historically disadvantaged castes and tribes, listed as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SCs and STs) by the Government of India and also those designated as Other Backwards Classes (OBCs). The reservation is undertaken to address the historic oppression, inequality and discrimination faced by these communities and to give these communities a place or opportunity to reap the benefits to advance themselves. It is intended to realize the promise of equality enshrined in the Constitution.  
The Constitution prohibits untouchability and obligates the state to make special provision for the betterment of the SCs and STs. Over the years, the categories for affirmative action, also known as positive discrimination, have been expanded beyond those to the OBCs.
Reservation is governed by the Constitution, statutory laws, and local rules and regulations. The SCs, STs and OBCs, minorities, women, local bodies and panchayats are some specific categories benefiting from reservation.
Britishers introduces the Quota system favouring certain castes and other communities who are oppressed by the social and political order existed before independence in several areas of British India. Demands for various forms of positive discrimination had been made, for example, in 1882 and 1891. Shahu, the Maharaja of the princely state of Kolhapur, introduced reservation in favour of non-Brahmin and backward classes, that came into force in 1902. Provisions for free education to everyone of depressed section was introduced and schools and hostels were opened to make it easier for them to receive education. 
The British Raj introduced elements of reservation in the Government of India Act of 1909.  Communal Award was a significant emergence of that effort which provided separate representation for Muslims, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians, and Europeans.  This is popularly  known as the Poona Pact. After the Independence of India in 1947 some major initiatives were taken  in favour of the STs, SCs and after 1980s in favor of OBCs (Other Backward Castes). The country's affirmative action programme was launched in 1950 by providing constitutional support. In fact, this is the oldest program worldwide to ensure representation to disadvantaged sections of society through law. A common form of caste discrimination in India was the practice of untouchability that was in vogue for centuries and SCs were the primary targets of the practice. Significant and consistent efforts were made to declare unlawful before independence too but it could be declared unlawful by the new Constitution of India.In 1954, the Ministry of Education suggested that 20 per cent of seats  should be reserved for the SCs and STs in educational institutions with a provision to relax minimum qualifying marks for admission by 5 per cent wherever required. In 1982, it was specified that 15 per cent and 7.5 per cent of vacancies in public sector and government-aided educational institutes should be reserved for the SC and ST candidates, respectively. A significant change began in 1978 when the Mandal Commission was established to assess the situation of the socially and educationally backward classes. In 1980 the commission's report recommended that 27% of seats should be reserved for OBCs in respect of services and admissions in institutions of higher education operated by the Union Government and public sectors and this section should be provided jobs in government and public sector as well. Violent agitation in 1990 compelled the central government to implement the recommendations of Mandal Commission. 
The Constitution of India states in Article 15(4): "Nothing in [article 15] or in clause (2) of Article 29 shall prevent the State from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens of or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes." Article 46 of the Constitution states that "The State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms
In parliament and state assemblies, caste and tribe based reservations are provided to make it more representative.. Today, out of 543 seats in India's parliament, 84 (15.47%) are reserved for SC/Dalits and 47 (8.66%)for ST/Tribes. Allocation of seats for Scheduled Castes and Tribes in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies are made on the basis of proportion of Scheduled Castes and Tribes in the State concerned to that of the total population. After 72nd and 73rd constitutional amendments, Local self-governments and panchayats have caste, tribe and gender based reservation system at place. A fixed percentage of India's government and public sector jobs are made exclusive for categories of people largely based on their caste or tribe.
The 1992 Supreme Court ruling in the Indra Sawhney case declared that reservations in job promotions are "unconstitutional" but allowed its continuation for five years. In 1995, the 77th amendment and 85th amendment to the Constitution was made to amend Article 16 to make these segments to have reservation in promotions and annulled the Supreme Court judgment. 
The 81st amendment was made to the Constitution to permit the government to treat the backlog of reserved vacancies as a separate and distinct group, to which the ceiling of 50 per cent did not apply. The 82nd amendment inserted a provision in Article 335 to enable states to give concessions to SC/ST candidates in promotion.
The validity of all the above four amendments was challenged in the Supreme Court through various petitions clubbed together in M. Nagaraj & Others vs. Union of India & Others, mainly on the ground that these altered the Basic Structure of the Constitution. In 2006, the Supreme Court upheld the amendments but stipulated that the concerned state will have to show, in each case, the existence of "compelling reasons" - which include "backwardness", "inadequacy of representation" and overall "administrative efficiency - before making provisions for reservation. Provision of scholarships also made for students of these categories to give impetus to the better implementation of reservation. Special cells have been constituted for SC/ST students in colleges and universities to look after the interests of these segments. People from reserved categories can compete for both reserved and open positions. 
According to the Dharma Shastras in Hinduism, the society can be divided into four categories based on the birth and occupation of the family, a person is born into.
Brahmins Kshatriyas Vaishyas and sudras.   22.5% of available seats are reserved for SC and  ST students (7.5% for STs, 15% for SCs). This reservation percentage has been raised to 49.5% by including an additional 27% reservation for OBCs. The Women's Reservation Bill was passed by the Rajya Sabha on 9 March 2010 is still pending in Lok Sabha since March 2013. Critics say gender cannot be held as a basis for reservation alone other factors should also be considered e.g. economic, social conditions of woman candidate especially when applying reservation for educated women. There also is a growing demand for women reservation in pre-existing reservations like OBC, SC/ST, physically handicapped etc. Some groups still demand that reservation for women should be at least 50 per cent as they comprise 50 per cent of the population.
In Gujarat, 33% of posts are reserved for females in all government departments . Likewise provisions are made in different states of varying nature.
Demand is raised for reservation for minorities. Likewise affluent rural dominant castes such as Marathas, Jats, Pattidars, Gurjars etc. are vehemently agitating for reservation and violence erupted time and again when these sections come forward in support of demand of reservation as these sections are indeed affluent sections of the society who have resources, strengths of numbers and huge political clout in their favour. Reservation for different special categories such as Terrorist victims, Single girl child, Migrants from the state, Sons/daughters/grandsons/granddaughters of Freedom Fighters, Physically handicapped, Sports personalities, Non-Resident Indians, Candidates sponsored by various organisations, Those who have served in the armed forces  e.g. ex-serviceman' quota, short service commission, Dependents of armed forces personnel killed-in-action, Repatriates, Reservation in special schools , Seat reservation for Senior citizens and physically handicapped in public (bus) transport.
Moot question is whether reservation has any relevance or justification after 72 years of independence! Yes, this is the question which is agitating the young ones of India. And should be asked as their chances of admission in higher education and getting job has shrunk drastically and on surface they encounter that some of their peers with less qualification and skills get better opportunities. This is the crux of problem and governments have created this deliberately to make the reservation as a ‘bone of contention’, in fact, the purpose of reservation was/is to get rid of caste barrier and caste discrimination. It acts as an antibiotic for caste discrimination. Reservation is not for financial growth but for social equity. No significant change has been effected in social milieu even after 72 years of independence and the only reason is that reservation was not implemented as a tool of social equity rather it was made an instrument in the hand of political system to create divide and induce hatred amongst the warring communities and ultimately to garner votes and popular support to win elections. The word reservation is a misnomer. The appropriate word for it used in the Indian constitution is ‘Representation’. It is not given to anyone in his individual capacity. It is given to individual as a representative of the underprivileged community. Indian constitution differentiates reservation from representation.  Constitution does not provide reservation to any community. It facilitates ‘representation’ from less-represented communities. So the proper word is ‘representation’.
Constitution Articles 14, 15 and 16 provide for right to equality, get rid of discrimination and right against discrimination.
‘Right to Equality’ must go with ‘Right against Discrimination’. Right to equality cannot be achieved unless right against discrimination is not enforced.
Disadvantaged sections must get back their fundamental rights. 25 crores Indians should not remain as backward and out of main stream. The goal is to make them a part of main stream forcefully through equally proportionate representation. They were thrown out of Hindu fold forcefully. So they should be uplifted socially forcefully. This is the quest for justice and equity. 
Social acceptance comes through participation. Since these segments were kept out of mainstream through the social stigmatization, upper caste hegemonic tendency and behavior. Annihilation of reservation means annihilation of representation which mandates annihilation of discrimination. So called reserved sections even did not have Human rights after 72 years of independence. These sections are neither claiming nor provided reservation more than the share of their population. 
Even today, their representation is abysmally low. This situation exists when they have reservations. Just assume what had been happened without reservation for the people of these categories. Most of higher posts/positions are manned by upper castes people till today and there seems no change in near future too. On the other hand Reserved categories people are  not properly represented in higher posts.  As per the findings of Socio-Economic Caste Census 2011, only about 4 per cent each of rural Scheduled Tribe and Scheduled Caste households have a salaried job. North is at the top with 16 per cent  followed by the Union Territories at 14.97 per cent, the Northeast at 11 per cent, and West at 3.79 per cent. East has 2.80 per cent and South is at the bottom with 2.58 per cent. Surprisingly low in the list is Central Zone, which comprises states such as Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh with a substantial tribal population. In this zone, only 3.12 per cent ST households have someone in a government job. As per written reply by Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) in Lok Sabha, despite long years of affirmative action in India, the higher bureaucracy at the Centre has less than 10 per cent representation from the Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST), and not a single one from Other Backward Classes (OBC). Higher bureaucracy refers to officers at the level of Secretary, Special Secretary, Additional Secretary and Joint Secretary.
According to a written reply by the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) in the Lok Sabha, there are 431 officials at the Secretary, Special Secretary, Additional Secretary and Joint Secretary level in various Central Ministries and Departments. Of this, only 28 belong to the SC category and 12 to the ST category. These officials are appointed under the Central Staffing Scheme (CSS). At the next rung of additional secretary, out of 108 officers , there are just two each from SC and ST. Further down, out of 477 joint secretaries , 31 belong to SC, that is, 6.5% and 15 belong to ST that is 3.1%. And out of 590 directors, 17 belong to SC (2.9%) while seven belong to ST (1.2%). There is no reservation for these posts but one would expect that out of the pool of officers from SC and ST entering the civil services through quota — 15% for SC, 7.5% for ST and 27% for OBC — a better proportion would have made it to these top rungs by now.
Actually, even in the most sought after civil services, IAS, IPS and IFS, the proportion of SC, ST and OBC officers was below the mandated quotas. Out of 3,251 directly recruited IAS officers, SC officers made up 13.9%, ST officers 7.3% and OBCs just 12.9%. This information , too, was stated in the Lok Sabha by Narayanasamy in 2011. Clearly, the underprivileged sections are not yet getting the full advantage of affirmative action envisaged by the Constitution makers. This is further confirmed by the huge number of vacancies in government positions reserved for SCs and STs.
According to a statement given in the LS in November last year by Narayanasamy, there were 25,037 'backlog' posts for SC lying vacant in 73 government departments and bodies. These are positions reserved for SC members that have not been filled over the years and thus have accumulated. They include both direct recruitment and promotion-based positions. Out of these, 4,518 positions were vacant because no candidate was available for promotion. Similarly for ST, 28,173 'backlog' posts were vacant, of which 7,416 were meant for filling up by promotion.
If you look at all central government employees, 17% of them were SC while 7.4% were ST. This appears to be fulfilling the mandated norms of 15% SC and 7.5% ST. But there is a catch. There is a deep skew of SC/ST members in the hierarchy of central government jobs — as you move up the ladder, there are less and less employees /officers from SC/ST. Among Group A officers, only 11.1% were SC and 4.6% ST. In Group B, the shares were 14.3% and 5.5%, respectively. In group C, there were 16% SC and 7.8% ST, slightly more than the quota . And in Group D, there were 19.3% SC and 7% ST.
This high proportion of SC in Group D is because nearly 40% of "safai karamcharies" are SC. This pushes up the proportions all round. Actually it only denotes the harsh reality that despite all the talk of ending discrimination and socio-economic upliftment, dalits are still forced to do most menial jobs. This is further confirmed by the huge number of vacancies in government positions reserved for SCs and STs. Whereas in Group D jobs nearly 40% of “safai karamcharies” are SC.
1. SC/ST is holding Govt post without proper merit.
It is blatant lie that SC/ST have entered in the government without merit. It is established and scientific fact that talent and intelligentsia is evenly distributed over the whole spectrum of population across castes. Even society is based on Jajmani system, all craft and talent oriented work were assigned to this segment of society. This segment of society is subjected to poverty, malnutrition, limited opportunities to complete with their counterparts of general caste people. If play is not on equal rules and terms then how the results could be same! Even then they qualify the minimum standards set for any assignments which is barely 5% less than the general categories. 
2.  Reservation hinders county’s growth
This is a well orchestrated propaganda of vested interests to malign the reserved categories people. They are equal partners in the nation building and integration of the nation. Moreover, almost all menial and labour and skill oriented works are carried out by this segment of the society. 
3. Reservation should be based on economical status
SC/ST reservation is given for their social upliftment, not just financial upliftment. This provision is made to mitigate the discrimination and exploitation. Today, a hue and cry is made to base the reservation on economic criteria mainly because to rob the little benefits that have trickled down to this segment. Historically, society was never equal. Low ebb placement of these segments in socio-economic orientation, stigmatisation and victimisation was the social order and that needs to be rectified though social upliftment  and movement for social cohesiveness. One positive leap is provided by the Indian Constitution in the form of reservation to this segment of society. May be few persons of this segment have attained some good positions and accumulated wealth but this exception not the rule. It is fact that government schools have only enrolment of SC/ST students as the other wards find quality education in private schools. It is also another fact that resources are constricted to the upper castes. Now, a deliberate effort is made to unsettle this reservation policy by inciting the people of forward castes based on rural areas of India such as Marthas, Pattidars, Gujjars, Jats etc. to demand reservation for them. 
4.Reservation is making caste strong
It is the reality of Indian society. Caste system is existing for ages without any change and this is nourished by the caste lords, khaps, social order and nourished by the existing political system in India. No social and cultural movement was spearheaded in the free India to break or even weaken this most inhuman system reason being it severs the political interests of the modern India rulers across the party line.  New reservation movements for forward castes are driven by the political class to make and remain the society fragmented to meet their political goals. It is a myth that reservation is strengthening the caste system and easy to blame. Fact is that caste system is in existence since ages in India when there was no reservation for disadvantaged sections of society. If it is so, then there should by only two castes i.e. forward and backward castes. It is perpetuating because it serves the end of Political masters and they are not allowing it weaken, to crumble it is a big demand. 
5. How long this reservation will continue.
Better reservation is abolished sooner but for that being a reality nation has to provide equal opportunities in terms of socio-economic and in political sphere, distribution of resources has to be done evenly, participation in decision making on all issues particularly in the arena of politics is to ensured, have to have provide human rights and minimum human conditions for living and equal opportunities in all fields have to be provided. Is nation prepared for this? Definitely not. Therefore, better this system of reservation continue for the period till situations provides for equity. Although today reservation is reduced to inconsequential by shrinking the base of government employment and higher education. Private players are ruling the roost and there is no provision of this kind of reservation although different kind of reservation exists there for rich and wealthy. Recently, Union Minister Nitin Gadkari commented on reservation “what is the use of reservation! Meagre jobs are available in government sector and private are not providing the reservation. If there is no job and opportunities then for what this harakiri is!” Yes, this is real situation and government should underline this fact. Over the years, concept of positive discrimination is sabotaged deliberately and turned it hollow. This is now only political gimmick to garner the votes and winning the elections, creating hatred amongst the communities and incite atrocities on this segment. Creating new demand for forward segments such as Marathas, Pattidars, Gujjars, Jats etc. to declare this concept of reservation irrelevant. Violent agitations are bound to occur in coming years as those suits to the political masters. Little trickled benefits which are reaching to the disadvantaged segments would be curtailed and ultimately curbed. 
6. With reservation how equality can be achieved
True. Equality is not the motto of reservation it is a provision for positive discrimination to provide a cushion to the disadvantaged segments of society to make them worth for better and dignified living. When society is not equated, how the tool of reservation could make it equitable! Article 15 and 16 of the constitution provide for prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth and Equality of opportunity in matters of public employment respectively. Equality amongst in people is possible only when they are able to share marital alliances without any discrimination freely over the castes. Today, young couples are culled in the name of honour, SC women are paraded naked in the streets and every day some Dalit is massacred in some part of this nation. To think that reservation will bring equality is nothing less than be foolish. 
7. Reservation is not reaching low income Dalit groups
This idea is shrewdly perpetrated and propagated by the vested interests against the reservation. Even after 72 years of independence, positions/posts of reserved quota are not filled deliberately citing suitable candidates are not available, there is no mechanism for filling the back log and its rising notionally, departments are made to advertise in such manner that SC/ST quota remained unfulfilled. No instrument is devised to fill the vacant posts and back log. It is bound to happen as executive is not interested in providing the benefit to these categories. It is also fact that certain sections/individuals of reserved categories are benefited enormously but larger section is still to be provided with benefits of reservation in the field of technical and higher education. Dalits’ children are leaving school more compared to others likewise they face more challenges of malnutrition. Higher education is made so costly that common student of reserve categories can’t afford it. Even then, at any point of time reserved categories never got share more than the percentage of their population. 
8. Upper caste also needs Reservation
It is strange to note that what is not good for one section why that would be better for another section of society! In recent years an impression is created that weaker of forward castes need reservation and that section should be provided reservation by inducting creamy layer concept. It is deliberate and conscious effort to ignite the demand for reservation for forward castes to meet the political end. SC/ST are not opposed to reservation to any section of society. It is the duty and responsibility of the present day government to devise some transparent mechanism to give relief and opportunities to the weaker of the forward castes without prejudiced mind. SC/ST never opposed such move, even when reservation was provided to OBC. 
This analysis is based on Dalit reservation history starting from Poona pact in 1932. People don’t read constitution and its related historical documents. Country has certain policies which are well thought of by many intellectuals. They are not just emotional toddles.
If somebody wants to change the system, then he/she has to understand the system fully. But current generation youths just blame reservation system without reading a single page from history, Govt constitution and without any knowledge about existing inequalities in Hindu social life.
It is hard fact that reservation policy was not implemented by the central and state governments deliberately as it was envisaged and enshrined in our constitution. Some trickling  benefits has definitely occurred and those are too under continuous attack and scrutiny. These benefits have definitely changed the lives of a limited population of these disadvantaged segments. Eventually reservation become a tool in the hand of political class to garner votes and utilizing that in ruling over the state. In the pursuit, one community is raised against the other to create hatred, contradictions and made the enemy of the other. Social strife is at its pinnacle on the issue of reservation in the whole country. New forward castes are instigated to seek reservation though violent agitations. None of the government till now implemented the reservation in letter and spirit as visualized the tool of transformation of disadvantaged segments of society in terms of amelioration of social and economic conditions so that they could lead a better and dignified life. 
Reservation will remain in existence not only in 2019 but also haunt the nation in coming many decades. It turns into a too of gaining power rather than betterment of the society. No government or any political party can undone or abolish this policy in present circumstances. This is the another aspect that establishments will continue to circumvent the benefits to the targeted section. How this can be abolished? If the reason or situation on that this provision was incorporated in the constitution still exists then reservation to disadvantaged segments will remain in existence rather demand from newer sections will be a new reality in coming years. Reservation is now a tool to gain and remain in the power. It is a rattle in the hand of magician and will continue for years to come.

https://plus.google.com/u/0/_/focus/photos/public/AIbEiAIAAABDCMrqsrOZ4abuUyILdmNhcmRfcGhvdG8qKGRjN2Q0Njc3ZDI4YjBiMDdkZmM2ZWMyYzY1YzdjMzRjMWQ4YjU5MjMwAfUm4OtMIrhZ_TR_p5p_c_KxrVPz?sz=32
ReplyForward


Tuesday, April 3, 2018

मेरी अधूरी कहानी

              ख़ुद से ही ख़ुद को लील  लिया मैंने। वजूद  ही नहीं रहा अब तो।एक आम लड़की की तरह मेरे भी ढेरों अरमान थे। एक काम करना शुरु करती तो दो दूसरे रोक देती। फिर पहले को पकड़ लेती। माँ बार बार टोकती भी थी। ये उलझन ही ख़ूबसूरत लगती थी। उसी उधेड़बुन में माँ ने न जाने ऐसा क्या देख लिया राशन-पानी लेकर चढ़ गई। मैंने बहुत समझाया कि ऐसा कुछ नहीं है। है भी तो मैं कुछ ग़लत न करूँगी। कुछ तो उसकी आदत और उपर से मेरा काल। ऐसा अंतहीन अंधड़ खड़ा कर दिया।   क्या करती, उस वक़्त घुटन के उस ग़ुबार को सहन नहीं कर पाई।एक पल में ही सब बिखर सा गया। यही तो कमज़ोरी है हम लड़कियों की।और ये कब अकेले मेरे साथ हुआ है ऐसे मसले तो सैंकड़ों के साथ रोज़ होते हैं। कौन गिने और कौन याद रखे। ज़बान जिस के घट में हो उसे तो याद भी कोई क्यूँ करे। सो तरह की बात जो चलेंगी।  चलो कम से कम मैं भी इस राह की कड़ी तो बनी। और भी आयेंगी मेरे पीछे। यह सिलसिला थमने वाला कहाँ है। क़तार तो बढ़ती  ही जायेगी। कातर बाँहें यूंहि फैलती रहेंगी और अनवरत यू्ंहि आग़ोश में लेती रहेंगी।
               सोचूँ तो बात समझ में नहीं आती है मगर बात तो थी ही वरना कैसे आज यूँ मैं इस दुनिया का हिस्सा नहीं हूँ।अब तो में डिसिप्लिन्ड सी भी हो गई थी। घर के काम से भी जी चुराना छोड़ दिया था।छोट-बड़ों की सुनने भी लगी थी। कटाक्ष भी करना छोड़ दिया था। अपने अंदर ही भावनाओं को जकड़कर मुस्कुराना भी धीरे धीरे आने लगा था। सही में यही तो सब कुछ था जो ख़ुद को बना रहा था।   लड़कियों की ज़िंदगी एक बुलबुले के समान ही होती है।जब वे अपने हिसाब का जाल बुनने लगें तो कचोट पैदा होती है।  मेरे साथ तो कम से कम ऐसा ही हुआ। जब जीने  की चाह थी रुखसती थमा दी। लगता है कुछ ज़्यादा ही ख़ुद से मुहब्बत हो गयी थी। ये कौन सी नयी बात हो गई थी। माँ की तो आदत ही थी जला कटा सुनाने की। अब तक भी तो झेल ही रही थी, थोड़ा ख़ुद से बात कर लेती तो आज यह नहीं लिखना पड़ता। होता कब है मन का सोचा!
             कल ही की बात है। कितना ख़ुश थी मैं सभी भाई बहनों संग वक़्त का पता ही नहीं लग रहा था। पंख से लग गए थे वक़्त को। मुझे तभी समझना चाहिए था कि कुछ होने वाला है। ऐसा होता नहीं ना। मेरे साथ भी नहीं हुआ। अभी पढ़ाई कहाँ पूरी हुई थी। पता नहीं होती भी या नहीं। लेकिन इस बार  गम्भीर थी। पहले ही बहुत कुछ खो चुकी थी, तब इल्म भी तो नहीं था। किसी ने ठीक ही कहा है ठोकर खाए बग़ैर अक़्ल नहीं आती। मैंने ठोकर खा ली थी सो  समझ भी आने लगी थी। इस की क़ीमत भी बड़ी चुकाई थी मैंने। भरोसा जो नहीं रहा था मुझ पर। हो भी कैसे। जिस परिवार से मैं आती हूँ वहाँ ज़िंदगी का लबालुबाव साधारण सा है। मैं भी ऐसी ही थी उसी डगर पर चलना चाहती थी। चल भी रही थी। पता ही नहीं चला कब सब कुछ बदल गया। कभी लगा ही नहीं कि मेरे आस-पास कुछ बदल रहा है। लेकिन हक़ीक़त में ही सब बदल गया। मैं मैं ना रही, आज सोचती हूँ तो हैरान रह जाती हूँ। मगर हैरानी क्यों हो, आम घरों की लड़कियों को बड़े शहर में पंख तो लगने ही होते हैं। अंदेशा तो सभी को था मुझको छोड़ कर। मुझे होता भी कैसे मैंने तो कभी सोचा भी नहीं था। यह भी सही है अगर सोचा होता तो ऐसा होता भी नहीं। ख़ैर जो होना था वो हो गया। यह भी एक सबक़ था और मैंने इस सबक़ को समझा भी दिलो-दीमाग से। दोबारा गाड़ी पटरी पर आ गई थी। मैंने जो खोया था वो मिल तो नहीं सकता था मगर जो उसने दिया था वो भी कम ना था।
          सब ठीक चल पड़ा था। मंसूबे भी बाँध लिए थे। ऐसा लगने भी लगा था कि कुछ नया और बेहतर होगा। मन का सोचा कब होता है। मैं भी तो लड़की ही थी ना। जैसे ठहरे हुए पानी में कंकर हलचल पैदा करता है। वैसी सी कुछ हलचल मैं भी महसूस कर रही थी। सिर पैर तो नहीं था मगर कुछ घट रहा था जिसका किसी को आभास भी न था। होना भी नहीं चाहिए था। यूँ तो मैं इतनी भी बड़ी नहीं थी मगर आम मोहल्ले के हिसाब से छोटी भी तो नहीं थी।अब सोचती हूँ कि क्या मम्मी-अब्बू को कुछ भी नहीं मालूम था या यह भी आँख मिचोली ही थी। लगता तो यही था कि वे भी मेरे ही ढंग से देखते हैं। फिर ये तकरार क्यूँ की। मुझे बेइज़्ज़त क्यों किया। मना करना तो कोई नई बात नहीं थी मगर गंदगी की भी तो कोई हद होती है। हद भी क्या अंदर से टूट सी गई। दिमाग ने काम ही नहीं किया। पल दो पल की बात थी सब्र कर सकती थी। कीचड़ तो यूँ भी अभी तक सहन करती ही आ रही थी उस रोज़ न जाने क्या हुआ सब ख़त्म ही हो चला। ये तो एक बात है। मगर अम्मी-अब्बू क्या बतायेंगे। क्या वो बता पांयेगे कि मैं बढ़िया पढ़ती थी फिर सब ख़राब कर देती थी। क्या वो बता पायेंगे कि मैंने उनकी मेहनत को भी कई मर्तबा चट कर दिया था। क्या वो बता पायेंगे कि छोटे से मुहल्ले की लड़की बड़े शहर में उल्फ़त पैदा कर सकती है। क्या वो कह पायेंगे कि रास्ता ऐक सा नहीं होता। भटक कर भी सही हुआ जा सकता है। शायद उनके लिए मुश्किल हो इस बात को जज़्ब करना कि लड़कियों का भी अपना मन होता है। काश! वो समझ गए होते मेंरी उलझन या फिर मैं ही रोक लेती अपने आप को। सोचती हूँ तो लगता है आसान तो कुछ नहीं। हूँ या नहीं इस से भी कुछ ज़्यादा फ़र्क़ किसी को पड़ता नहीं। लड़की हूँ ना कोसने से भी काम चल ही जायेगा। कोई किसी के लिए नहीं है ज़िंदा यहाँ सब अपने सफ़र पर हैं। बोलूँ भी तो क्या बोलूँ। ना बेलना भी तो ज़िंदगी का सबब है। चलो इसे ही जी कर देखते हैं। 

Saturday, March 31, 2018

Fatal fall- An introducton to death


   

It was Saturday night of February 3, 2018. I went to washroom for nature’s call. It was mid-night. Felt a slight giddiness and fell freely. Still know I fell but not memorizing for how long I remained fallen on the floor! My wife called me few times and I responded in slight murmurs. She came in the washroom. Help me to get up. Asked what happened! I responded casually as usual nothing. She noticed the bad vomit and didn’t wash that away to make me know what happened in the night. I again went to bed but she asked me many a time to visit to local doctor but I sway away her with words I want to sleep. Don’t disturb me as I’m feeling some pains. She guarded me whole night and fell asleep in wee hours. A call came from the office asking me to reach Alewa as some law and order problem has arisen. I couldn’t refuse even having intention as still pain persists. I get myself readied to go. She awakened and sternly asked me not to go. Taken me in washroom and shown the result of fall. I didn’t listen to her and asked her that I’ll have to go. She allowed me taking promise to visit the physician. I nodded and went away. Today, I’m realizing what I’ve done. Drove the vehicle for 100 Kilometers even having terrible pains. And more worse not visit the doctor. My junior whom my wife asked to take me to doctor insisted many a time to visit the doctor. Ignored him and what he could have done, nothing. He was my junior. He again requested me to let see the doctor next day but it was my fate I didn’t heed his request. It’s the time that never stops for anyone. It has its own pace. By the end of February I felt pains in eyes and my sleep was disturbed terribly. I thought it was perhaps because of eyesight and went to Eye Surgeon for check-up. All found good and I was now feeling nothing wrong and thought that all this is happening because of change of season. When I know that my fate is on change and I’m going to experience the worst time of my life! Festival of Holi came and we all went to ancestral home in the village. Festivity caught in and it was wonderful stay there but sleeplessness still following me. I thought it was the location effect and traveled back. I was dropped at Jind at my official residence. That day was Sunday, March 4. Health was very poor and I was vomited profusely. Wife went away to Kurukshetra and I fell asleep. It was a good sleep after many days. But night was horrible, sleep evaded me badly. Struggled whole night for sleep. Next four days were off in terms of physical condition and I shared this new happening with colleagues and friends. It was Thursday evening; I called one of my former junior to come next day as a reply of legislative question is to be prepared. Inder Singh the fellow came early in the morning of Friday. We discussed the matter and he said let me go to office and draft the reply. I nodded and said to him I’m just coming to office after taking bath but that never happened. From here the fatal sequence taken a ugly shape. I again fell in the bed. My cook called Praveen my trusted lieutenant. He came and taken me to doctor who administered an injection and instructed to rest for three-four hours. Praveen smelled something wrong and rung my wife to come as I was not in good spirits. Later on my driver and my flat partner rang her to come. She shocked and traveled for Jind immediately and reached there around 3 pm. She straightly moved in my bed room and asked about my well being. Find nothing good she approached the Dy. CMO a family friend for CT SCAN. Got it and on his advice transported me to Medanta-the Medicity for treatment. Agony is that I lost all the sequence from the mind after visit of Inder Singh. Completely washed the memory and still not able to recount that. All is narrated by my wife and colleagues. Ahh! It was the beginning of ‘temporary loss of memory’. Even not able to count who taken me to hospital, when the wife come, how went to civil hospital, when travelled to Gurugram and who accompanied, when admitted in the Medanta-the Medicity and what procedure was followed, when the surgery done-complete miss the memory lanes. Now I’m being told all and it frightens me that I was in a loop of fatalities and somehow saved by the timely efforts of my wife, friends and colleagues. 

     I’m not remembering the exact time. I saw Dr. Rajbir my brother-in-law standing at a distance. He smiled at me and I responded. Still not knowing where I was. He asked me how I was and I nodded in yes. Later on I asked the nurse where I’m! And what happened to me! She told me that I got a small surgery and I’m in ICU of Medanta. On hearing, I responded then it was something big medical condition grabbed me. She was a sweet girl and responded ‘no uncle, it is a small thing and now you are all fine’. I asked her where my family is and she said they are not allowed inside the ICU. You’ll be transferred to your room and then only you could see them. I nodded and slept again. It was Saturday March 10 evening. 
     Next day I saw Praveen in the ICU and he too smiled at me. I jotted the things that something bigger and gross has happened. My Bhabhi came near my bed and smiled. I responded too. Asked me who she was! Perturbed me, I said what you think I don’t know you but she insisted tell then. I said you are Sunehari. She smiled broadly on establishing that I’m in my memories. Ahh! Memory lost almost of 24 hours. It tells me that what a horrible phase it was that I conquered by the dignified effort of my wife, family and friends. 
    Next day Sunday March 11, my wife told me you are a dangerous fool who subjected all of us in trauma of life. Do you know what happened? I nodded in negative. She asked me do you remember the sequence and I again nodded in negative. She was traumatized in real on knowing that and assessing the magnitude of effect which still she was not aware and said then you might lost the memory. Ohh! She was in utter astonishment. Then she narrated me the sequence in brief. And told me that it was a terrible phase. You got the treatment in time at a proper hospital under the guidance of able team of doctors under the leadership of     Dr. Karanjeet Singh Narang. She rebuked me saying you’ve almost killed yourself along me. Ahh! How careless I’m! I keep mum and that was the best response at the moment and she said it means you are perfectly fine. Her eyes got wet. 
Learning experience:
       What is devotion to work! Killing the self. I should’ve refused to travel on that Sunday and should have visited the physician as my wife persisting. It is not the devotion to work but fatality to self. Supreme carelessness. Who knows if I’ve consulted the doctor this situation might have spared! 
      Who cares you! Your family, friends, juniors or seniors! Definitely family is prime and then closet of select friends and some juniors but seniors better have some logical sympathy. It not hurt me as I do the same thing with others. It’s the folly of the system and we should honor it.  I saw a beeline of family friends and juniors at hospital and later on at home.  My DC was away on foreign trip when I experienced all this, on having knowledge inquired few times and assured me to take rest without worrying the work and wished and send blesses. Things are utterly mechanical at official sphere. But it’s the callus world we care the most those who not even look on you and ask your well-being even. Things are not going to change. Take the same route and shape later on. 
      What’s the value to be alert and health consciousness! We are made to learn from the childhood that ‘health is wealth’. But we failed to grasp the meaning. It is in fact good health that’s all. 
       What spouse could do can anyone else able to do! Definitely not. I’ve plenty of free time to think and ponder now. I realized that real world is real. Virtual world has its own bliss without content. I wish that my friends and foes notice it that real world is in the firewalls of your home and rest in the people who are with you in your thick and thin. 
       It is my experience and not necessarily replicate on others in same sense but essence might prevail. Never be careless on the health issue. My medical condition shattered my world. When I visited the Dr. Narang on 20 March and asked him what happened with me. The genius just said internal bleeding caused the havoc which you survived. In medical term it is ‘left sided chronic subdural hematoma’ where blood pressure of brain chambers on left side become uneven and it happened because of internal bleeding. To maintain the appropriate level of pressure excess blood has to be drained off. I asked him what the possible consequences were! He said lot many; death was a possibility  in 3-4% cases , loss of memory in another 10-15%, might have paralyzed in another 10-15% and might have returned to coma in 4-5% but you are lucky you survived with excellent best quantum of fit survival because of timely transportation of yours by your family and friends. Never compromise with health so negligently. Thanked him and moved out of his chamber murmuring ‘so is doctors are stated to be next to God’. Wish that all my friends will help themselves if and when experience a fatal fall. My heart throbs to thank all and sundry who helped me during this traumatic phase except family who are made to be by my side. 



Thursday, February 1, 2018

Politics of exploitiors in the garb of saviours of the farmers

Policy affects each one including the person who has nothing to influence but it’s the political system in any nation which decides the course of life of its nationals. On the economic stratification this world is configureted in Developed Nations, Developing Nations and Nations where process of development is at nascent stage. India is nation which is now free for the last 71 years and chosen the democratic system based on socialistic economic strategies to rule over its people. In 1990, mode changed to LPG (Liberalisation, Privatisation and Globalisation). We can understand this as “Privatisation refers to the participation of private entities in businesses and services and transfer of ownership from the public sector (or government) to the private sector as well. Globalisation stands for the consolidation of the various economies of the world. LPG and the Economic Reform Policy of India. Liberalisation refers to the slackening of government regulations. The economic liberalisation in India denotes the continuing financial reforms which began since July 24, 1991”. Socialistic path chosen initially gave way to LPG. With the advent of it, in 1991 the course of development of the nation changed holistically. 
It is for the reference to understand the policy of acquisition of land for development of infrastructure,  good  connectivity and lessen the distance and save the time in movement of man, material and resources from one place to other. A network of Highways was conceptualised and for realising this land is required to implement the ambitious projects. Haryana is a state that is situated in the close vicinity of national capital and most of the highways connecting the north and west passes through here. With these projects politics of vote, exploitation, misinformation and deceit of ignorant farmers  creep in. Rules and regulations for fixing the rates for acquired land saw a sea change within the short spell of 5-6 years. Since rates of acquisition of land are varying to the suitability of political class and its political interests, providing benefits to its constituency.Farmers are subjected to become prey of uncertainty, design of unscrupulous elements, unending litigations and series of troubles. It’s the one aspect of the problem.
      The other aspect is more glaring and disturbing and potentially sabotaging the important projects of immense importance and development of state as a whole. These so-called saviors and benevolent of farmers    are in fact  creating mistrust and uncertainty amongst the farmers on the name of insignificant compensation of acquired land. Fair and transparent system of fixing rates is termed as dubious. Farmers wilfully accepted the compensation amount that was on the higher side of prevalent market rates at the time of acquisition. An alternate system of Arbitration is at place to decide any issue related to compensation. Judicial scrutiny is at its place and available since the inception of the provision of acquisition. Farmers have every right to get the appropriate compensation of the land taken from them. But here comes the role of unscrupulous elements who share nothing and no land of theirs was taken for these projects. They have evil eye and design on the amount received by the farmers in lieu of their acquired land and have unholy plan to rob the farmers in the name of agitation. Farmers are made to sit-in and pool the amount to run the show which is aimed at to get the political mileage and fame on the hard earned money of the poor farmers.  Sit-in planned to stop the on-going work on projects to get higher and enhanced compensation knowing that relief if any is to be decided by Arbitration or courts and they have nothing to influence except pocket the money of poor farmers in the name of agitation. It’s the democratic right of any person to agitate and say  and raise their concerns even if some alternate process is available but it is not in the interest of farmers and state to lock horns on a non-issue. Such tendency not only spoil the development plan of the state but also turn the farmers on the wrong path.  Such happenings provide an opportunity to the cheats and exploiters in the garb of fighting for just cause. More glaringly, such so-called leaders are not organising the farmers for larger issues related to the pathetic condition of the farmers such as providing irrigation water, inputs, crop failures and economic price of crop produce. They know if farmers are organized, on such vital issues new leadership  will emerge from within the farmers and their designs will fail. This is a common happening in Haryana today. It is need of time that farmers understand this and organise themselves in the well structured organisation which may be available to raise every issue concerning the economic and social bearing of the farmers in a transparent and organized manner. Adhocism is saboteur for the welfare of the farmers and also damage the collective action on any issue. So called saviors  will take away their money that should be used for furthering the cause of family and establishing some means to sustain in future. It’s the need on the part of farmers to identify the problems and their gravity and save themselves from theses sharks who have eye on their hard earned money. They will have to understand the design and unholy plan to loot their money. Struggle is the key to save the cause but it should be well crafted and guided. It is also the duty of governments to save the rights of the farmers and educate them through means available. 

Bahujan Samaj Party: Genesis of social contradictions-Origin, voice of depressed section of society, growth and relevance in Indian politics

Bahujan Samaj Party: Genesis of social contradictions-Origin, voice of depressed section of society, growth and relevance in Indian politics 
        It was founded by Kanshi Ram in 1984, who named his protégée Mayawati as his successor in 2001. After the demise of its mentor—Kanshi Ram, Mayawati has become the chief of the Party in all respects. The BSP was the third most voted-for party in the 2014 general election but still failed to win any seats in the 16th Lok Sabha. The BSP has its main base in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.
The scheduled castes, tribes, educationally and socially downtrodden classes, employees and workers of these classes are the members of this party. It claims that the Bahujan Samaj comprises vast section of the society yet its representation is low and role in political, social and economic life of the country, is minimal. The party drew inspiration from Sahu Maharaj Mahatma Phoole, Mahatma Ramaswami Nayuar and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar.

Ideology of BSP:

       BSP is a political party which arisen on the idea of stark reality of historical oppression and exploitation of untouchables and oppressed sections of society. It’s the reality of predominated Hindu society in which these sections were treated worse than an animal. Although after independence some relief is realized in terms of socio-economic amelioration but not at a level where these sections could assert a position to intervene in the development process of the nation. Although untouchability declared a crime but untouchables are treated as such. Congress utilized these sections as a sure vote bank in the name of providing reservation and betterment oriented schemes but deliberately didn’t undertake any holistic program to raise the status of these sections socially and economically. Sections and people arisen from this  segment to oppose the congress political questioning the role and efforts made by INC. Kanshi Ram spearheaded the popular discontent and inequality in the shape of organization first amongst employees and then created a definite political structure to rally the DALITSaround the goal of self assertion and attainment. 

Thematic slogan ‘Tilak, Tarazu aur Talwar, Inko maaro jutey chaar’ in fact is the slogan to oppose the dominant castes such as Brahmin, Banias(traders) and Rajputs who are believed to oppress the lower castes. Basically existence and philosophy of the BSP revolves around the contradictions amongst the castes. A Phoenix like rise may be attributed to this historical perspective. 

Program of BSP:

(i) It identifies itself with Dalit’s. Initially it started criticizing Manuism and the followers of Manu who constitute the members of the higher castes,
(ii) It aims at ending social and economic inequalities and also exploitation of the Dalit’s,
(iii) It always aspires to capture political power so that it could serve the Dalit Samaj,
(iv) Its immediate task is to become the arbiter and determinate of political power and make full use of the prevailing environment for its benefits,(v) To eliminate untouchability is its main goal,
(vi) To take special steps to protect the interests of the Dalit women is another goal in view,
(vii) To secure the end of Manuwadi and Brahmanwadi system are its cherished aims,
(viii) To establish institutions in the name of Baba Saheb B.R. Ambedkar is its effort,
(ix) To secure more places for Dalits in the administration is its main struggle. Its other notable plans are:
(x) To secure the interests of landless farmers(xiv) To end exploitation of Dalits by jagirdars, Sahukars and big landlords;
(xi) To strive for avoidance of ever increasing social violence;

Political growth: 

       BSP was formed in the year 1984 with one aim amongst many others to capture power in the country. It was beginning of electoral politics but it could not win even a single seat in elections held in 1985. In 1989 elections it could win only one seat in Lok Sabha and 12 in Punjab Vidhan Sabha. In 1993, it joined hands with Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party and formed a government in U.P. It was a transient affair. In June 1995, it joined hands with the BJP to form a government. It worked only for four months.Later the BJP formed government with the BSP support. However the arrangement was a flop. In 1996 it formed an alliance with Akali Dal in Punjab. It won 3 Lok Sabha seats from Punjab 6 from U.P. and 2 from M.P. i.e. 11 seats in 10th Lok Sabha. In M.P. it could secure 8.18 per cent and in U.P. 20.8 per cent votes. However, it suffered a setback in 1997 in Punjab Assembly elections as it could get only one seat. In February-March 1998, it contested elections in alliance with the Congress and could win only 5 Lok Sabha seats. Even (its the then president)—Kanshi Ram was defeated. With the meagre victory at polls, it could play a nasty role for the BJP led alliance on April 17, 1999 and brought its fall.
         In 13th Lok Sabha elections it improved its tally from 5 to 14. In 14th Lok Sabha elections (2004) it could further improve its position by bagging 19 seats in Lok Sabha. It improved its vote percentage from 4.16 in 1999 to 5.08 in 2004. Its major triumphs have been in U.P. Its popular vote percentage went up by 2 per cent. In February 2002 elections it could not muster majority but it improved its strength in U.P. Vidhan Sabha as well as its share in the popular vote. It remained in power in U.P. as a part of BJP-BSP coalition. In February 2005 assembly election, it won 3 seats in Bihar Assembly as well. In other states, she played the role of a spoiler for the Congress in particular.In April 2004, the BSP contested 46 out of 48 Lok Sabha seats in Maharashtra. It garnered 10.46 lakh votes. However each of its candidates lost the security. In Bye election of 12 seats, it could capture 2 seats. In XVth Lok Sabh election it could win only 21 seats. The BSP has been recognized as a National Party in the Indian Political system and its popularity under Mayawati has been gradually on the ascendance. Despite the fact that BSP has been trying to woo the other communities by giving them party tickets yet it is identified as the party of the Dalits. The party has been playing the role of a spoiler to damage the National parties in the elections.

U.P. Elections (May, 2007), and Image of Dalit Leader on Mystical Height:

     In the UP election held in May, 2007. BSP captured 206 seats out of total 403. Its main rival—The SP under M.S. Yadav could muster the strength of 97 only. The BJP was also trounced and could bag 51 seats. The Congress could manage to get only 22 seats despite Rahul Gandhi’s efforts to the maximum.Such a monumental triumph in UP elections shook the Samajwadi Party’s stalwarts to the last fibre. Both the national parties stood shaken. M.S. Yadav was vanquished as he failed to control ever deteriorating law and order situation in UP. The critics attributed this victory to her strategic role. She managed to keep Dalits happy and succeeded in building bridges with upper castes and Muslims.
Concept of Social engineering:
      Besides, she could sense the public ire and resentful mood against the SP Government. She publicly promised to punish Mulayam Singh Yadav and restore law and order in the state. She brought state politics out of the Mandal and Kamandal straight jackets. She built-bridges with Brahmins whom she had been vehemently denouncing in the past. Before the election she had stated, “You will see astounding results, we will not need any coalition partner.”BSP was successful in effectively implementation of its scheme to gel Brahamins and Dalits in electoral politics to the dismay of political pundits. Her prediction came out to be true. In her concluding speech on the election eve she said, “People now realize we did not compromise on ideology to stay in power. We are honest to Dr. Ambedkar’s ideal of social equality. Now the other castes have also acknowledged our commitment.”
      A newspaper commented in editorial on the victory of BSP, “Mayawati’s inclusive politics having paid off at the hustings, the BSP now has the Dalits, Muslims and upper castes—pretty much the pre-Mandal-Kamandal Congress combination cutting across communities—as its audience…. The people of UP tasted the fruits of identity politics and have found them unsavory. What they now want is real development electricity infrastructure and safety from criminal elements. …It is tall task for Mayawati the perennial kingmaker. But as monarch in 2007 she now has the overwhelming mandate to act. "The BSP leader is hoping to spread her net wider by contesting a few seats in the ensuing assembly elections. She may not be able to fare well but she can be a good spoiler especially for the Congress which banked upon Dalit and Muslim votes considerably.

Challenges before BSP to make itself relevant in the present scenario of Indian polity:

      To retain relevance, the BSP will have to return to the early investments in constructing a Bahujan ideology and organization that it lost along the way. With only 19 seats in the U.P. Assembly in 2017, and repeated losses in parliamentary and Assembly elections in the last 10 years, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is fighting for its life. The plunge in seats is not accompanied by a similar plunge in votes. But in a ‘first past the post’ electoral system, minor shifts in votes can cause massive shifts in seats. The BSP’s survival crisis is about something more than the party: it is about the nature of identity-based politics that the BSP represents. To understand why, consider the way in which the two main alternatives, the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), appeal to Dalits.

Appeals to Dalits by mainstream political parties like Congress and BJP:

       The Congress appeals to Dalits by promising assimilation into a national mainstream. Its most prominent Dalit leader, Meira Kumar, personifies this promise. The soft-spoken Ms. Kumar, who rose to become India’s first woman Speaker, has opposed a caste census on the grounds that it would deepen caste divisions. “We must mainstream them,” she says of Dalits in her election speeches. In referring to Dalits as "them” rather than “us”, she distances herself not just from some attributes associated with a Dalit identity, but from the identity itself. Moreover, this statement implies that the mainstream is already defined, and that Dalits are passive subjects who must be “brought into” it by more autonomous others.
     The BJP appeals to Dalits by promising immersion in a Hindu mainstream. This does not imply passivity as the Congress model does. It calls for self-transformation on the part of all members of the emergent Hindu nation. But in the past, self-transformation has for many Dalits in the BJP taken the form of self-sanitization. As one BJP regional leader previously told me: “I am neat and clean, not dirty like many other SCs. We are the caste that is nearest to Savarna (upper caste) Hindus. We do clean work.” He had, in his many years in the Bharatiya Jana Sangh and BJP, internalized stereotypes about both Dalits and upper castes, and come to accept that the model Hindu was an upper caste Hindu.
    The BSP’s form of identity-based assertion, by contrast, is based on pride in Dalit identity as it exists in the present, not on the promise of assimilation or transformation in the future. The contrast was spelt out by Mayawati in her 1985 by-election campaign against Ms. Kumar when she declared flatly, “Main Chamar ki beti hoon (I am the daughter of a Chamar).” This has been a recurring refrain in her election campaigns although she sometimes switches to calling herself a “Dalit ki beti (daughter of a Dalit)”.
    There is no transformation required to claim this identity. The only transformation that she and Kanshi Ram called for is for Dalits to become more vigilant in the defence of their interests. When I once asked her if she had ever experienced discrimination herself, she said no: “Main to hoshiar thi (I was vigilant).” The implication was clear. In order to be treated better, fellow Dalits must become vigilant too. This did not require them to alter something fundamental about their identity. In fact, many Dalits who attended BSP meetings in the early years told me about the thrill of self-recognition that they experienced in these meetings. They did not have to become someone else in order to take pride in themselves.
    The BSP is not the first to articulate this form of Dalit assertion — it has been voiced earlier, and more consistently, by social reform movements, in a large body of Dalit literature, and by parties and organizations including the Republican Party of India and the Dalit Panthers. But because the BSP repeatedly won control of government, it has had a deeper and wider impact in challenging discrimination against Dalits and in reshaping public discourse.

Altering the public discourse:

       When the BSP first came to power, Dalits in most parts of India were called Harijans. The BSP focused attention on the patronizing assumptions hidden behind the use of that word, popularizing the term “Dalit”, once restricted to Maharashtra and parts of the south, nationwide. When the BSP first came to power, B.R. Ambedkar was still portrayed primarily as a Dalit leader. The BSP stimulated a rewriting of history that recognized him as a national, and not only Dalit, icon. When the BSP first came to power, the practice of naming thousands of roads and bridges and airports and buildings and government schemes after a single family — the Nehru-Gandhis — had become so routine as to be unremarkable. But when the BSP began erecting statues to Kanshi Ram and Ms. Mayawati, any criticism of this as a self-aggrandising move had to acknowledge also the older forms of self-aggrandisation that had become acceptable in democratic politics. When the BSP came to power there were only the beginnings of awareness about the upper caste bias in the English-language media. But when the BSP began to ignore the English media altogether — and to win elections despite that — it brought the question of media bias front and centre. The BSP’s form of Dalit assertion, in other words, changed the mainstream discourse rather than simply “being brought into it”.
     So why did the BSP lose, especially when its healthy vote share suggests that it likely retained much of its core, predominantly Dalit, vote base? The answer lies in its failure and the BJP’s success, in crafting the right caste-based combinations.
    For the BSP, the winning of elections has always depended on what its workers call the “plus” factor. In every constituency, it counted on the votes of Dalits plus some section of others (backward castes and Muslims initially, and upper castes eventually). For the BJP, it has depended on what could be called the “minus” factor. As one party worker in U.P said to me: “Hum Muslims ko minus karke chaltein hain (We proceed by subtracting Muslims).” The BJP aimed to build a winning vote by cobbling together the support of Hindu upper castes, backward castes and Dalits — everyone but the Muslims. This is an old strategy for the BJP, taken to a new, more systematic, level in 2017.
But a substantial difference has emerged over time in the terms in which both parties construct these combinations.

Weakened infrastructure:

      In the beginning, the BSP sought to construct these combinations through painstaking ideological mobilisation. Under Kanshi Ram’s leadership, the BSP held regular cadre camps, study sessions and political rallies in which it propagated a vision of the Bahujan Samaj as a rainbow coalition of subaltern groups. The BSP’s cultural pantheon has from its inception included important figures from across these groups: in addition to Ambedkar, it includes Jyotiba Phule, Narayana Guru, Chhatrapati Sahuji Maharaj, and Periyar. It also built a second- and third-line leadership from among backward castes and other Bahujan categories through the allocation of posts in the party organization.

Electoral arithmetic — alliances and tickets — was always an important part of this effort. In fact, Kanshi Ram chose the name “Bahujan”, or “majority”, for his new party, not only because of its association with non-Brahmin social movements but also because the name signalled that this party had the numbers to be a viable winner. The arithmetic was backed by an ideological and organisational infrastructure. Over the years, the BSP stopped investing in this infrastructure, relying on the promise of power to compensate. But a party that depends only on winning cannot withstand repeated losses and that is why the party is now in such dire straits.

BJP outreach, Modi resonance:

      The BJP and the Sangh Parivar, by contrast, back their appeal to Dalits and backward castes by a strong ideological and organizational infrastructure. This infrastructure has become stronger and more innovative at a time when the BSP’s infrastructure has weakened. The Sangh Parivar has also begun to redefine the model Hindu in a way that incorporates Dalit and backward caste cultural symbols. In 1983, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh created the Samajik Samrasta Manch (Social Assimilation Platform), with the goal of harmonising “the Phule-Ambedkar thought with the Hindutva philosophy”. In 1989, the Vishva Hindu Parishad ensured that it was a Dalit who laid the first brick for the Ram temple at Ayodhya. The Sangh Parivar also has a large network of service organizations for Dalits and other subaltern groups. The BJP also has a strong organization which has produced a credible second- and third-line leadership from these groups.
     And then there is Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has become a transformative figure in the knitting together of these coalitions. Mr. Modi claims his backward caste identity proudly.
 he has said repeatedly, “will belong to the Dalits and the backwards.” This is a remarkable statement for the leader of India’s largest upper caste-dominated party to make. It is responsible in no small measure for the BJP’s success in crafting coalitions between subaltern castes and upper castes that would have been unthinkable 20 years ago.

     At the same time, Mr. Modi’s public persona reinvents the notion of self-transformation embedded in BJP ideology. He acknowledges his caste identity without being defined by it, illustrating by example a way to transcend caste without denial or distancing. Further, the narrative of his own transformation from a tea seller’s son to Prime Minister suggests that it need not mean self-sanitization, or a disowning of identity, but self-realization: an honoring of the deepest aspirations associated with that identity. It is a powerful appeal especially in the new economy. And Ms. Mayawati’s persona does not have the same power against it that it did against Ms. Kumar in the pre-liberalization India of 1985.

   If the BSP is not to become just another blip in the political landscape, it will have to return to the early investments in constructing a Bahujan ideology and organization that it lost along the way. What is more, it will also have to adapt its ideology in the face of a new political opponent. This is difficult, maybe unlikely. But, given the small shift in votes required for a large shift in seats, it is not impossible. If the BSP preserves a space in the political arena, the gainer will be not just the BSP but a healthy democratic discourse. If it does not, the loser will also be not just the BSP, but that discourse and all of the rest of us.

Role and challenge posed by  left parties:
     In fact communists and left parities organize and work in the weaker section from the very beginning. There program and ideology oriented around making the society equal for all by demolishing the feudal and capital structures both in terms of idea and policies. They oppose any caste fragmentation of society. According to them there is only two classes viz; oppressed and oppressors. They are working for equity based on the ideology of Karl Marx. There effect and relevance is challenged by the caste politics and they are inherently opposed to caste politics on which BSP survives. This contradiction make these two big political players to come together to assert and oppose the communal and congress ideology. This led to fragmentation of efforts and constituency oriented around so-called Dalits and oppressed sections of the society. 

How to struck relevance in present scenario:

     Parliamentary election in 2014 and assembly election recently in Uttar Pradesh raise a big question on the politics of BSP. BSP was badly decimated against the popular expectation of its coming to power in the state and win the handsome seats of MPs. BJP is a political front of RSS-a Hindu organization of known and well known structure at all levels. It is a known fact that it indulges in experimentation to influence the people and voting behavior. It also experiments how to create a nudge and discord between different religions and castes. This time it experimented with Dalit disintegration and created a model around non-Jatav(non-Chamar) and backward castes to defeat the politics of BSP and Samajwadi Party. After election results it was clear that a new conglomeration was developed benefiting the BJP. Now it’s a huge challenge before BJP to fight out this powerful Hindu cultural Organization. It shattered the backbone of Dalit politics in India particularly in north India. This new design couldn’t be defeated by sloganeering and tantrums but definite alternate has to be identified and worked upon. Coalition politics is one area of which till now BSP was a conscious opponent. To save the relevancy of itself it has to remodel its tactical  and strategic line of action. BSP can’t blame the other political organizations for dismantling its unilateral hold over Dalit voters. It stolen this base from congress merely on the name of caste and misadventures.  If BSP to stay alive in the Indian politics it has to reorganize it’s organizational and ideological resources.