Politics of exploitiors in the garb of saviours of the farmers

Policy affects each one including the person who has nothing to influence but it’s the political system in any nation which decides the course of life of its nationals. On the economic stratification this world is configureted in Developed Nations, Developing Nations and Nations where process of development is at nascent stage. India is nation which is now free for the last 71 years and chosen the democratic system based on socialistic economic strategies to rule over its people. In 1990, mode changed to LPG (Liberalisation, Privatisation and Globalisation). We can understand this as “Privatisation refers to the participation of private entities in businesses and services and transfer of ownership from the public sector (or government) to the private sector as well. Globalisation stands for the consolidation of the various economies of the world. LPG and the Economic Reform Policy of India. Liberalisation refers to the slackening of government regulations. The economic liberalisation in India denotes the continuing financial reforms which began since July 24, 1991”. Socialistic path chosen initially gave way to LPG. With the advent of it, in 1991 the course of development of the nation changed holistically. 

It is for the reference to understand the policy of acquisition of land for development of infrastructure,  good  connectivity and lessen the distance and save the time in movement of man, material and resources from one place to other. A network of Highways was conceptualised and for realising this land is required to implement the ambitious projects. Haryana is a state that is situated in the close vicinity of national capital and most of the highways connecting the north and west passes through here. With these projects politics of vote, exploitation, misinformation and deceit of ignorant farmers  creep in. Rules and regulations for fixing the rates for acquired land saw a sea change within the short spell of 5-6 years. Since rates of acquisition of land are varying to the suitability of political class and its political interests, providing benefits to its constituency.Farmers are subjected to become prey of uncertainty, design of unscrupulous elements, unending litigations and series of troubles. It’s the one aspect of the problem.
      The other aspect is more glaring and disturbing and potentially sabotaging the important projects of immense importance and development of state as a whole. These so-called saviors and benevolent of farmers    are in fact  creating mistrust and uncertainty amongst the farmers on the name of insignificant compensation of acquired land. Fair and transparent system of fixing rates is termed as dubious. Farmers wilfully accepted the compensation amount that was on the higher side of prevalent market rates at the time of acquisition. An alternate system of Arbitration is at place to decide any issue related to compensation. Judicial scrutiny is at its place and available since the inception of the provision of acquisition. Farmers have every right to get the appropriate compensation of the land taken from them. But here comes the role of unscrupulous elements who share nothing and no land of theirs was taken for these projects. They have evil eye and design on the amount received by the farmers in lieu of their acquired land and have unholy plan to rob the farmers in the name of agitation. Farmers are made to sit-in and pool the amount to run the show which is aimed at to get the political mileage and fame on the hard earned money of the poor farmers.  Sit-in planned to stop the on-going work on projects to get higher and enhanced compensation knowing that relief if any is to be decided by Arbitration or courts and they have nothing to influence except pocket the money of poor farmers in the name of agitation. It’s the democratic right of any person to agitate and say  and raise their concerns even if some alternate process is available but it is not in the interest of farmers and state to lock horns on a non-issue. Such tendency not only spoil the development plan of the state but also turn the farmers on the wrong path.  Such happenings provide an opportunity to the cheats and exploiters in the garb of fighting for just cause. More glaringly, such so-called leaders are not organising the farmers for larger issues related to the pathetic condition of the farmers such as providing irrigation water, inputs, crop failures and economic price of crop produce. They know if farmers are organized, on such vital issues new leadership  will emerge from within the farmers and their designs will fail. This is a common happening in Haryana today. It is need of time that farmers understand this and organise themselves in the well structured organisation which may be available to raise every issue concerning the economic and social bearing of the farmers in a transparent and organized manner. Adhocism is saboteur for the welfare of the farmers and also damage the collective action on any issue. So called saviors  will take away their money that should be used for furthering the cause of family and establishing some means to sustain in future. It’s the need on the part of farmers to identify the problems and their gravity and save themselves from theses sharks who have eye on their hard earned money. They will have to understand the design and unholy plan to loot their money. Struggle is the key to save the cause but it should be well crafted and guided. It is also the duty of governments to save the rights of the farmers and educate them through means available. 

Bahujan Samaj Party: Genesis of social contradictions-Origin, voice of depressed section of society, growth and relevance in Indian politics

Bahujan Samaj Party: Genesis of social contradictions-Origin, voice of depressed section of society, growth and relevance in Indian politics 

        It was founded by Kanshi Ram in 1984, who named his protégée Mayawati as his successor in 2001. After the demise of its mentor—Kanshi Ram, Mayawati has become the chief of the Party in all respects. The BSP was the third most voted-for party in the 2014 general election but still failed to win any seats in the 16th Lok Sabha. The BSP has its main base in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.

The scheduled castes, tribes, educationally and socially downtrodden classes, employees and workers of these classes are the members of this party. It claims that the Bahujan Samaj comprises vast section of the society yet its representation is low and role in political, social and economic life of the country, is minimal. The party drew inspiration from Sahu Maharaj Mahatma Phoole, Mahatma Ramaswami Nayuar and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar.

Ideology of BSP:

       BSP is a political party which arisen on the idea of stark reality of historical oppression and exploitation of untouchables and oppressed sections of society. It’s the reality of predominated Hindu society in which these sections were treated worse than an animal. Although after independence some relief is realized in terms of socio-economic amelioration but not at a level where these sections could assert a position to intervene in the development process of the nation. Although untouchability declared a crime but untouchables are treated as such. Congress utilized these sections as a sure vote bank in the name of providing reservation and betterment oriented schemes but deliberately didn’t undertake any holistic program to raise the status of these sections socially and economically. Sections and people arisen from this  segment to oppose the congress political questioning the role and efforts made by INC. Kanshi Ram spearheaded the popular discontent and inequality in the shape of organization first amongst employees and then created a definite political structure to rally the DALITSaround the goal of self assertion and attainment. 

Thematic slogan ‘Tilak, Tarazu aur Talwar, Inko maaro jutey chaar’ in fact is the slogan to oppose the dominant castes such as Brahmin, Banias(traders) and Rajputs who are believed to oppress the lower castes. Basically existence and philosophy of the BSP revolves around the contradictions amongst the castes. A Phoenix like rise may be attributed to this historical perspective. 

Program of BSP:

(i) It identifies itself with Dalit’s. Initially it started criticizing Manuism and the followers of Manu who constitute the members of the higher castes,

(ii) It aims at ending social and economic inequalities and also exploitation of the Dalit’s,

(iii) It always aspires to capture political power so that it could serve the Dalit Samaj,

(iv) Its immediate task is to become the arbiter and determinate of political power and make full use of the prevailing environment for its benefits,(v) To eliminate untouchability is its main goal,

(vi) To take special steps to protect the interests of the Dalit women is another goal in view,

(vii) To secure the end of Manuwadi and Brahmanwadi system are its cherished aims,

(viii) To establish institutions in the name of Baba Saheb B.R. Ambedkar is its effort,

(ix) To secure more places for Dalits in the administration is its main struggle. Its other notable plans are:

(x) To secure the interests of landless farmers(xiv) To end exploitation of Dalits by jagirdars, Sahukars and big landlords;

(xi) To strive for avoidance of ever increasing social violence;

Political growth: 

       BSP was formed in the year 1984 with one aim amongst many others to capture power in the country. It was beginning of electoral politics but it could not win even a single seat in elections held in 1985. In 1989 elections it could win only one seat in Lok Sabha and 12 in Punjab Vidhan Sabha. In 1993, it joined hands with Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party and formed a government in U.P. It was a transient affair. In June 1995, it joined hands with the BJP to form a government. It worked only for four months.Later the BJP formed government with the BSP support. However the arrangement was a flop. In 1996 it formed an alliance with Akali Dal in Punjab. It won 3 Lok Sabha seats from Punjab 6 from U.P. and 2 from M.P. i.e. 11 seats in 10th Lok Sabha. In M.P. it could secure 8.18 per cent and in U.P. 20.8 per cent votes. However, it suffered a setback in 1997 in Punjab Assembly elections as it could get only one seat. In February-March 1998, it contested elections in alliance with the Congress and could win only 5 Lok Sabha seats. Even (its the then president)—Kanshi Ram was defeated. With the meagre victory at polls, it could play a nasty role for the BJP led alliance on April 17, 1999 and brought its fall.

         In 13th Lok Sabha elections it improved its tally from 5 to 14. In 14th Lok Sabha elections (2004) it could further improve its position by bagging 19 seats in Lok Sabha. It improved its vote percentage from 4.16 in 1999 to 5.08 in 2004. Its major triumphs have been in U.P. Its popular vote percentage went up by 2 per cent. In February 2002 elections it could not muster majority but it improved its strength in U.P. Vidhan Sabha as well as its share in the popular vote. It remained in power in U.P. as a part of BJP-BSP coalition. In February 2005 assembly election, it won 3 seats in Bihar Assembly as well. In other states, she played the role of a spoiler for the Congress in particular.In April 2004, the BSP contested 46 out of 48 Lok Sabha seats in Maharashtra. It garnered 10.46 lakh votes. However each of its candidates lost the security. In Bye election of 12 seats, it could capture 2 seats. In XVth Lok Sabh election it could win only 21 seats. The BSP has been recognized as a National Party in the Indian Political system and its popularity under Mayawati has been gradually on the ascendance. Despite the fact that BSP has been trying to woo the other communities by giving them party tickets yet it is identified as the party of the Dalits. The party has been playing the role of a spoiler to damage the National parties in the elections.

U.P. Elections (May, 2007), and Image of Dalit Leader on Mystical Height:

     In the UP election held in May, 2007. BSP captured 206 seats out of total 403. Its main rival—The SP under M.S. Yadav could muster the strength of 97 only. The BJP was also trounced and could bag 51 seats. The Congress could manage to get only 22 seats despite Rahul Gandhi’s efforts to the maximum.Such a monumental triumph in UP elections shook the Samajwadi Party’s stalwarts to the last fibre. Both the national parties stood shaken. M.S. Yadav was vanquished as he failed to control ever deteriorating law and order situation in UP. The critics attributed this victory to her strategic role. She managed to keep Dalits happy and succeeded in building bridges with upper castes and Muslims.

Concept of Social engineering:

      Besides, she could sense the public ire and resentful mood against the SP Government. She publicly promised to punish Mulayam Singh Yadav and restore law and order in the state. She brought state politics out of the Mandal and Kamandal straight jackets. She built-bridges with Brahmins whom she had been vehemently denouncing in the past. Before the election she had stated, “You will see astounding results, we will not need any coalition partner.”BSP was successful in effectively implementation of its scheme to gel Brahamins and Dalits in electoral politics to the dismay of political pundits. Her prediction came out to be true. In her concluding speech on the election eve she said, “People now realize we did not compromise on ideology to stay in power. We are honest to Dr. Ambedkar’s ideal of social equality. Now the other castes have also acknowledged our commitment.”

      A newspaper commented in editorial on the victory of BSP, “Mayawati’s inclusive politics having paid off at the hustings, the BSP now has the Dalits, Muslims and upper castes—pretty much the pre-Mandal-Kamandal Congress combination cutting across communities—as its audience…. The people of UP tasted the fruits of identity politics and have found them unsavory. What they now want is real development electricity infrastructure and safety from criminal elements. …It is tall task for Mayawati the perennial kingmaker. But as monarch in 2007 she now has the overwhelming mandate to act. "The BSP leader is hoping to spread her net wider by contesting a few seats in the ensuing assembly elections. She may not be able to fare well but she can be a good spoiler especially for the Congress which banked upon Dalit and Muslim votes considerably.

Challenges before BSP to make itself relevant in the present scenario of Indian polity:

      To retain relevance, the BSP will have to return to the early investments in constructing a Bahujan ideology and organization that it lost along the way. With only 19 seats in the U.P. Assembly in 2017, and repeated losses in parliamentary and Assembly elections in the last 10 years, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is fighting for its life. The plunge in seats is not accompanied by a similar plunge in votes. But in a ‘first past the post’ electoral system, minor shifts in votes can cause massive shifts in seats. The BSP’s survival crisis is about something more than the party: it is about the nature of identity-based politics that the BSP represents. To understand why, consider the way in which the two main alternatives, the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), appeal to Dalits.

Appeals to Dalits by mainstream political parties like Congress and BJP:

       The Congress appeals to Dalits by promising assimilation into a national mainstream. Its most prominent Dalit leader, Meira Kumar, personifies this promise. The soft-spoken Ms. Kumar, who rose to become India’s first woman Speaker, has opposed a caste census on the grounds that it would deepen caste divisions. “We must mainstream them,” she says of Dalits in her election speeches. In referring to Dalits as "them” rather than “us”, she distances herself not just from some attributes associated with a Dalit identity, but from the identity itself. Moreover, this statement implies that the mainstream is already defined, and that Dalits are passive subjects who must be “brought into” it by more autonomous others.

     The BJP appeals to Dalits by promising immersion in a Hindu mainstream. This does not imply passivity as the Congress model does. It calls for self-transformation on the part of all members of the emergent Hindu nation. But in the past, self-transformation has for many Dalits in the BJP taken the form of self-sanitization. As one BJP regional leader previously told me: “I am neat and clean, not dirty like many other SCs. We are the caste that is nearest to Savarna (upper caste) Hindus. We do clean work.” He had, in his many years in the Bharatiya Jana Sangh and BJP, internalized stereotypes about both Dalits and upper castes, and come to accept that the model Hindu was an upper caste Hindu.

    The BSP’s form of identity-based assertion, by contrast, is based on pride in Dalit identity as it exists in the present, not on the promise of assimilation or transformation in the future. The contrast was spelt out by Mayawati in her 1985 by-election campaign against Ms. Kumar when she declared flatly, “Main Chamar ki beti hoon (I am the daughter of a Chamar).” This has been a recurring refrain in her election campaigns although she sometimes switches to calling herself a “Dalit ki beti (daughter of a Dalit)”.

    There is no transformation required to claim this identity. The only transformation that she and Kanshi Ram called for is for Dalits to become more vigilant in the defence of their interests. When I once asked her if she had ever experienced discrimination herself, she said no: “Main to hoshiar thi (I was vigilant).” The implication was clear. In order to be treated better, fellow Dalits must become vigilant too. This did not require them to alter something fundamental about their identity. In fact, many Dalits who attended BSP meetings in the early years told me about the thrill of self-recognition that they experienced in these meetings. They did not have to become someone else in order to take pride in themselves.

    The BSP is not the first to articulate this form of Dalit assertion — it has been voiced earlier, and more consistently, by social reform movements, in a large body of Dalit literature, and by parties and organizations including the Republican Party of India and the Dalit Panthers. But because the BSP repeatedly won control of government, it has had a deeper and wider impact in challenging discrimination against Dalits and in reshaping public discourse.

Altering the public discourse:

       When the BSP first came to power, Dalits in most parts of India were called Harijans. The BSP focused attention on the patronizing assumptions hidden behind the use of that word, popularizing the term “Dalit”, once restricted to Maharashtra and parts of the south, nationwide. When the BSP first came to power, B.R. Ambedkar was still portrayed primarily as a Dalit leader. The BSP stimulated a rewriting of history that recognized him as a national, and not only Dalit, icon. When the BSP first came to power, the practice of naming thousands of roads and bridges and airports and buildings and government schemes after a single family — the Nehru-Gandhis — had become so routine as to be unremarkable. But when the BSP began erecting statues to Kanshi Ram and Ms. Mayawati, any criticism of this as a self-aggrandising move had to acknowledge also the older forms of self-aggrandisation that had become acceptable in democratic politics. When the BSP came to power there were only the beginnings of awareness about the upper caste bias in the English-language media. But when the BSP began to ignore the English media altogether — and to win elections despite that — it brought the question of media bias front and centre. The BSP’s form of Dalit assertion, in other words, changed the mainstream discourse rather than simply “being brought into it”.

     So why did the BSP lose, especially when its healthy vote share suggests that it likely retained much of its core, predominantly Dalit, vote base? The answer lies in its failure and the BJP’s success, in crafting the right caste-based combinations.

    For the BSP, the winning of elections has always depended on what its workers call the “plus” factor. In every constituency, it counted on the votes of Dalits plus some section of others (backward castes and Muslims initially, and upper castes eventually). For the BJP, it has depended on what could be called the “minus” factor. As one party worker in U.P said to me: “Hum Muslims ko minus karke chaltein hain (We proceed by subtracting Muslims).” The BJP aimed to build a winning vote by cobbling together the support of Hindu upper castes, backward castes and Dalits — everyone but the Muslims. This is an old strategy for the BJP, taken to a new, more systematic, level in 2017.

But a substantial difference has emerged over time in the terms in which both parties construct these combinations.

Weakened infrastructure:

      In the beginning, the BSP sought to construct these combinations through painstaking ideological mobilisation. Under Kanshi Ram’s leadership, the BSP held regular cadre camps, study sessions and political rallies in which it propagated a vision of the Bahujan Samaj as a rainbow coalition of subaltern groups. The BSP’s cultural pantheon has from its inception included important figures from across these groups: in addition to Ambedkar, it includes Jyotiba Phule, Narayana Guru, Chhatrapati Sahuji Maharaj, and Periyar. It also built a second- and third-line leadership from among backward castes and other Bahujan categories through the allocation of posts in the party organization.

Electoral arithmetic — alliances and tickets — was always an important part of this effort. In fact, Kanshi Ram chose the name “Bahujan”, or “majority”, for his new party, not only because of its association with non-Brahmin social movements but also because the name signalled that this party had the numbers to be a viable winner. The arithmetic was backed by an ideological and organisational infrastructure. Over the years, the BSP stopped investing in this infrastructure, relying on the promise of power to compensate. But a party that depends only on winning cannot withstand repeated losses and that is why the party is now in such dire straits.

BJP outreach, Modi resonance:

      The BJP and the Sangh Parivar, by contrast, back their appeal to Dalits and backward castes by a strong ideological and organizational infrastructure. This infrastructure has become stronger and more innovative at a time when the BSP’s infrastructure has weakened. The Sangh Parivar has also begun to redefine the model Hindu in a way that incorporates Dalit and backward caste cultural symbols. In 1983, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh created the Samajik Samrasta Manch (Social Assimilation Platform), with the goal of harmonising “the Phule-Ambedkar thought with the Hindutva philosophy”. In 1989, the Vishva Hindu Parishad ensured that it was a Dalit who laid the first brick for the Ram temple at Ayodhya. The Sangh Parivar also has a large network of service organizations for Dalits and other subaltern groups. The BJP also has a strong organization which has produced a credible second- and third-line leadership from these groups.

     And then there is Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has become a transformative figure in the knitting together of these coalitions. Mr. Modi claims his backward caste identity proudly.
 he has said repeatedly, “will belong to the Dalits and the backwards.” This is a remarkable statement for the leader of India’s largest upper caste-dominated party to make. It is responsible in no small measure for the BJP’s success in crafting coalitions between subaltern castes and upper castes that would have been unthinkable 20 years ago.

     At the same time, Mr. Modi’s public persona reinvents the notion of self-transformation embedded in BJP ideology. He acknowledges his caste identity without being defined by it, illustrating by example a way to transcend caste without denial or distancing. Further, the narrative of his own transformation from a tea seller’s son to Prime Minister suggests that it need not mean self-sanitization, or a disowning of identity, but self-realization: an honoring of the deepest aspirations associated with that identity. It is a powerful appeal especially in the new economy. And Ms. Mayawati’s persona does not have the same power against it that it did against Ms. Kumar in the pre-liberalization India of 1985.

   If the BSP is not to become just another blip in the political landscape, it will have to return to the early investments in constructing a Bahujan ideology and organization that it lost along the way. What is more, it will also have to adapt its ideology in the face of a new political opponent. This is difficult, maybe unlikely. But, given the small shift in votes required for a large shift in seats, it is not impossible. If the BSP preserves a space in the political arena, the gainer will be not just the BSP but a healthy democratic discourse. If it does not, the loser will also be not just the BSP, but that discourse and all of the rest of us.

Role and challenge posed by  left parties:

     In fact communists and left parities organize and work in the weaker section from the very beginning. There program and ideology oriented around making the society equal for all by demolishing the feudal and capital structures both in terms of idea and policies. They oppose any caste fragmentation of society. According to them there is only two classes viz; oppressed and oppressors. They are working for equity based on the ideology of Karl Marx. There effect and relevance is challenged by the caste politics and they are inherently opposed to caste politics on which BSP survives. This contradiction make these two big political players to come together to assert and oppose the communal and congress ideology. This led to fragmentation of efforts and constituency oriented around so-called Dalits and oppressed sections of the society. 

How to struck relevance in present scenario:

     Parliamentary election in 2014 and assembly election recently in Uttar Pradesh raise a big question on the politics of BSP. BSP was badly decimated against the popular expectation of its coming to power in the state and win the handsome seats of MPs. BJP is a political front of RSS-a Hindu organization of known and well known structure at all levels. It is a known fact that it indulges in experimentation to influence the people and voting behavior. It also experiments how to create a nudge and discord between different religions and castes. This time it experimented with Dalit disintegration and created a model around non-Jatav(non-Chamar) and backward castes to defeat the politics of BSP and Samajwadi Party. After election results it was clear that a new conglomeration was developed benefiting the BJP. Now it’s a huge challenge before BJP to fight out this powerful Hindu cultural Organization. It shattered the backbone of Dalit politics in India particularly in north India. This new design couldn’t be defeated by sloganeering and tantrums but definite alternate has to be identified and worked upon. Coalition politics is one area of which till now BSP was a conscious opponent. To save the relevancy of itself it has to remodel its tactical  and strategic line of action. BSP can’t blame the other political organizations for dismantling its unilateral hold over Dalit voters. It stolen this base from congress merely on the name of caste and misadventures.  If BSP to stay alive in the Indian politics it has to reorganize it’s organizational and ideological resources.

PRIs or Guinea pig of Indian democracy?

    Historically  Haryana is a place of great importance of human civilization. Archaeological excavation at 'Rakhi Garhi' of Hisar district proved that the oldest Harappan Civilization has been flourished here. 'Mitathal' of Bhiwani district is the other important location of  Indus Valley Civilization or early Harappan Civilization. Agroha is another place of such development towards human civilization. Kurukshetra and the area towards west up to 48 'kos'  is believed to be center of Mahabharata where mythological war of truth and justice was fought between two brother's 'Pandvas and Kaurvas'. The remains existing in this area are believed by the people and historians that Haryana has been the land of Mahabharata. Thanesar was the capital of king 'Harshvardhan'. Since Haryana has been near the Delhi so this land witnessed great turmoils and war of historical importance that decided the fate of India from time to time. Earlier Muslim rulers of Turkistan and Arab origin invaded and plunder this area. Char Qutub Masjid situated in Hansi was founded by the ancestors of Sufi saints in sixth or seventh century. The tomb of only female ruler of Delhi Sulatnat 'Razia Sultan' (1236-1240)exist in Kaithal who was killed by Jats on October, 13,1240 that is the testimony of that this area has been undergone great acts of historical importance. Hisar was founded by Feroz Shah Tuglaq (1351-1388) in fourteen century. Battle of Taraori indicates that this land has witnessed the struggle between Mughals fought three battles at Panipat to gain supremacy and establish their rule in India. Hansi near Hisar was the center of military training under the 'Skinners' an Ireland military strategist during the early days of Queen's rule in India. In nutshell it may be said that Haryana is a land that witnessed great turmoil and struggle of power and seen growth and destruction of many regimes. All such happenings over the centuries in Haryana affected the common men in significant manner in their socio-economic standings and creating a mind set. Villages of Haryana has been influenced by the social hegemonic structure called 'Khaps' over a significant time period who used to deliver diktats and justice to common man. Today's Khaps are the rudimentary reflection of those social structures.  Haryana is a small state in the close vicinity of national capital. It took shape in the year 1966 after big brother separated it from the main Punjab as if brothers settle new houses after division of family. Haryana was given the most backward areas of Punjab where development of any kind was a dream and that was the main reason of its creation because leaders of that time thought that this land is eating the resources of Punjab. Agriculture was not developed as most of the land was rained. There was no significant availability of inputs needed for agriculture viz; improved seeds, irrigation facilities, newer and improved implements, fertilizers, plant protection measures and money to sustain the demand of agriculture. After its creation the subsequent governments and its people shown courage to fight all odds and within a small span of few years Haryana exhibited a remarkable leap in all fields of development. Every village was linked with roads and electricity was made available in each village. Network of minor irrigation was developed to make the payable and irrigation water up to the potential level. Hard work and fighting spirits of its people make the nation wonder during the era of 'green revolution'. And a new discussion starts in the country that small states could be vehicle of all-round development of humans in every walk of life. The area surrounding national capital convert into a new hub of industrialization. The rest of Haryana shown significant development in agriculture and reached the distinguished position of agriculture production and productivity. After independence new form of village administration at lower level established as in rest of India.73rd constitutional amendment in year 1991 provided the constitutional status to such panchayats and renamed and created a three tier system as Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs). 74th amendment provide and created such structures in urban areas and named as urban local bodies. First elections under new system were held in year 1994 in Haryana. Under superstructure of a national Act, states were empowered to incorporate rules and statutes based on local needs. Section 175 of the Haryana Panchayati Raj Act deals with qualifications of the members of these PRIs. Three children norm was inserted in the new Act for eligibility to contest election for these PRIs in 1994 and that provision was against the fundamental rights enumerated in Article 21 of the constitution. Many elected representatives has to bear the burnt of this unconstitutional insertion for three terms. Many of such ineligible members have to have adopt illegal and criminal modes to save their offices from disqualification. Supreme Court of India struck down this clause later on. Now elections to PRIs are

overdue in Haryana since July 2015. New government didn't bother to honor the constitutional obligation of conducting elections within prescribed limit on the flimsy ground that wardbandi and voter lists are not prepared in time. It's a lame excuse to render these constitutional bodies worthless and at the level of unimportant. There was ample time and scope to reorganize the wards and to prepare the voter lists. But deliberately no attention was paid to fulfill the obligation to Indian constitution. Instead of meeting the basic requirements for conduction of elections of PRIs, government brought an Ordinance to effect and alter the qualification for the candidates of PRIs in the month of August. Some aspirants for the election for PRIs challenged this Ordinance in Punjab &Haryana High Court. And court stayed the implementation of this new qualification criteria for PRIs. Instead of honoring the order of court, government shows haughtiness and belligerent attitude and introduced the amendments to Panchayati Raj Act in the recent session of State Legislature. Despite strong opposition from the masses and opposition political parties, government passed the amendments knowing the Ordinance in this regard has been  stayed by the court. Interestingly in the middle of night necessary concurrence of Governor was obtained and notification was got published in the same night to thwart the procedure and remedy available with the citizen to approach the courts. At the same time it raises question on the office of Governor and State Election Commission which are autonomous bodies and have constitutional status and suppose to behave and act in accordance with law. Government came forward with the plea that it believe in strong Panchayati Raj System where each and every member is well qualified to transact the business of PRIs. By this act of government most of the population of state rendered ineligible to contest the elections. On refusing to entertain the writ against  new amendments, Smt. Jagmati Sangwan, President All India Democratic Women's Association and few other aspirants challenged the new amendments in the Supreme Court stating that this new Act will render the 82% scheduled caste women, 72% General Caste women and 54% men ineligible for contesting the elections to PRIs. In the meantime election process reached the stage of filing of nominations when appeal came before court for hearing. Supreme Court stayed the operation of new amendments without stopping the process of election. State government instead of respecting the decision of court filed an appeal for early hearing and hired big advocates to defend its weak case. Government showed utter haughtiness and adamant attitude and ultimately the process itself got struck and this resulted into halting of elections those were already overdue since July, 2015. Election to PRIs are very prestigious to the  villagers and fought on tough pitch. Their stakes are very high and most of them are ready to invest all what they have in hand. Most of the candidates are awful struck in a situation of catch22. They can neither forego nor in a position to sustain the heavy demands of money. They are made to raise huge loans or sell their properties to contest these elections when new dates will be announced. Government spokespersons are out with armory of new justifications that they were not aware of such a low percent of people are eligible. They only relied on the slogan of previous government of 'Number1 Haryana'. They are not aware what a huge harm they are doing for the common men. Many of the aspirants will become bankrupt and the enmity between the groups of individuals will be more stronger as the process stretched too longer. For centuries, Haryana has been a battlefield for gain of power, hegemony and a media to conquer throne. Today also it's people were made to suffer for political gain on the cost of their democratic rights, respects and brotherhood. Is  Haryana a land of great civilization or a laboratory of experiments how to rule the state and its people are guinea pigs? 

Politics of crop failure in Haryana

Haryana is predominantly an agriculture  state. It's vicinity to national capital provide special significance to it. After its creation on Nov.1,1966, agriculture in state shown an unpredictably upsurge both in production and productivity of cereals particularly wheat and rice and contribute significantly in national pool. Green revolution of sixties played a vital role in unprecedented growth in agriculture. Creation of new state and advent of Green Revolution provided tremendous opportunities to farmers and farm labors to attain newer heights in production of cereals. Farm university and many agricultural institutions were established in Hisar and Karnal. Regional

agricultural institutions were also came into the existence in different parts of Haryana to cater need and demands of farm sector and this new development created availability of technology and knowledge at the door step of farmers. Farmers of Haryana grabbed this new opportunity with both hands and by investment of their hard work and labor took the state on higher pedestal of agriculture growth. But this growth also brought new challenges before the farm sector. New varieties and technology was high input intensive package. Now  Agriculture production was not possible without  fertilizer, pesticides and irrigation. These inputs demanded for higher dose of furnace in agriculture production. And we see the simultaneous growth in the fields of new farm implements, tractors, more pesticides and seed agencies and more tube wells and submersibles. These inputs burdened the agriculture enormously. Farmers were made to raise crop loans from commission agents initially and later on from organised banking sectors against pledging of their lands. Since Haryana is in the bracket of high growth of population and its population increased exponentially over the past 48 years. This led to shrinkage of farm holdings and over burdened by crop loans. Requirement of irrigation led to more installation of tube wells and so power bills surprised the farmers of this new state. In nutshell, higher production created higher indebtedness of farmers. Agriculture remains a profitable vocation anymore. Most of the farmers are debt ridden and find it difficult to pursue agriculture as an vocation. But there is no other option and hence pursuing this. The landless agricultural laborers who reaped dividends of boom in agriculture production are now find it difficult to be engaged in agriculture because farmers family could meet the requirements of labor. At the peak of season such as seeding of crop or harvesting provide work to agriculture laborers. Both farmers and farm labors are in dire straits.

The plight of farmers breed opportunity for politics. Political parties are engaged in create a demand of compensation for crop loss to weather's vagaries or for any other flimsy ground instead of making a comprehensive agriculture policy to save the agriculture. They created it a tool to garner sympathy and votes. In last decade this demand of compensation is at fore now and then. Farmers are made to demand compensations rather than remedy for challenges before agriculture. Compensation on crop loss is the duty and responsibility of government of the day but assessment and distribution of such competition must be objective and the benefit must reach to the actual looser. Unfortunately this is not happening. Political clout of a ruling party leader rules the assessment and its distribution. Recently, rabi crops were affected by unseasonable rains and hailstorms in some parts of Haryana and it was the duty of the government to compensate the farmers whose crop lost beyond the prescribed limit of the damage parameters. But department and government failed to make an objective assessment of crop loss and hasten got the report of special harvest inspection and sanctiond an amount of ₹1072 crore for compensation. This was the big amount to be distributed for crop loss within a month or two after crop loss. What is glaring is that actual area of damage and farmers were not identified properly rather pressure groups and heavy weights in government successfully got the bigger share for their areas. It was the politics of compensation and that rubbed the salts on the wounds of lakhs of affected farmers who were robbed of the chances of fair compensation. It is also glaring that the total production of rabi crops surpassed the arrivals in markets. There is no logic how to justify this crop loss and drama of compensation. It's also fact that certain areas really affected by the unseasonable rains and weather's vagaries. But the areas where such loss was marginal were benefited the most. Episode of Assandh is more shocking where farmers were able to press the government to a mince the compensation after the harvest of rabi crops and without any subjective or objective crop loss assessment. It is imperative that now on farmers have been made to demand compensation and they forget the comprehensive agriculture policy or implementation of Swaminathan Commission Report for saving the farm sector and bestowing honor and respect to the producers of grain whose tireless efforts and bone breaking labor fills the bellies of the millions of Indians. At the same time the important parcel and agent of agriculture Production network is ignored and that is landless agriculture laborers. None spoke for them from where they'll earn their yearly pool of grains when crops were lost in their villages? Without their contribution agriculture is not possible and they should be made a part of fair compensation program. Is politics of compensation is doing good for farmers or ruining their zest to fight the odds and turning them into potential beggars? Is politics of compensation is deliberately destroying their demand and fight for comprehensive crop policy? Is this the way to treat 'anndata'? 

Economics has potential to crumble and kill the existence of women

               Haryana is a tiny state situated in the norther-en part of India. It is segmented in to 21 Districts and 80 Sub Divisions.  Sirsa is one of the district in north-western part of Haryana surrounded by Punjab on north and Rajasthan on its west. although rural Haryana is similar in character and socio-economic make but this part is uniquely different because of rural area is dominated by the big land owners that is not the case in rest of Haryana. Land reforms has been implemented in Haryana in seventies and land owners were allowed to retain less than 18 acres land which is capable of growing two crops, assured irrigation and one crop  area with less than 25 acres while other kind of land could be ratained up to 50 acres. Ellenabad is  a Sub Division of Sirsa and situated in the north western part of the district. Ghaggar passes from the northern part whereas western side of Sub Division  shares its boundaries with Rajhasthan. Villages are distinctly inhabited  of marginal and landless; and big land lords. When land reforms were under implementation, this area was largely unirrigated and barren and so the land lords could allot/save big chunks of agricultural land. Over the time agricultural development  see new advent in this state and these land were improved and become very profitable and productive and fertile. Because there was huge gap between small farmers and big landlords in terms of financial conditions. Small farmers need money for productive and non-productive needs such as marriage of girls, treatment of family members, bhat-chhuchhak(giving kind & monetary help to girls on specific occasions), seed, fertiliser, implements and so many other things of social & economic orientation and have to borrow the money from land lords on exorbitant interest. Over the times they fails to repay this borrowed amount and have to have sell their small portion of land to these land lords on the terms dictated by them. This process results in to the clubbing of land in the hands of few big land lords. They accumulated land more than the permissible limit. Then question arised how to save it?They found a way out of this in the legally wedded women of the family. It was easy for the men as the society and family structure was highly feudal and  patriarchal in nature where women have no voice and in most cases they are not aware what is happening. The land grabber has now fixed their eyes on the women of the family in robbing their status of married women. And the whole process of this robbing  is well articulated and planned where not only socially approved mores are destroyed but also misused the judicial and legal  process. It looks strange but true how sentiments and very existence of women of family put on stake and to implement their ill design, mutually agreed divorce petitions were filed in the courts. In the courts, male counterpart agreed to give the land to the women for her livelihood and sustenance and actually  this was the land that falls in the surplus pool. An unit of surplus land is saved by dissolving the marriage legally where women who is now mother of young kids and rearing the kids of her divorced husband in the same four walls. It is the gruesome act of the male hegemony where women are used as a tool to save the economic interest on the pyre of sacred relationship that was created in a bond for life after walking around the fire and taking seven sacred pledges to safeguard the honor, dignity and safety of his woman. This is the status of women in society who is used as a weapon to meet the sexual needs of her man, procreating and rearing his children and ultimately sacrificed her existence for his men by walking away from the bond of marriage and living a life without any legal status and dignity in the society and family. The agony is not culminated here. She is now made to indulge in the criminal conspiracy of her man. Government has notified in June 2014 that stamp duty will be exempted for transference of acquired property in the family. The same woman is now made to transfer her share that she got in decree of divorce from the court citing herself as divorced wife. It is well known fact that once the marriage Is annulled, her relationship with the man dissolved in all manners. The government is now robbed of stamp duty on a transaction that is  not tenable. Economics plays a deciding role how a women of so called affluent society lead her life in social milieu. Women are born to sacrifice and the women of feudal society where patriarchal norms prevails are supposed to vanish their existence itself to save and safeguard the economic interest of their men. We can fight and mitigate the monitory corruption but how and who will fight against these decaying human values, callousness of highest order and demeaning a human creature who lives her life for her parents, husband and children without any voice of regret and protest when her existence itself is killed. Is this a society of humans? Is this a sort of corruption or a society that stands on immorality which is more glaring and creating a web of corruption of unique kind? 

SOCIAL TABOO-A HYPOCRISY: Social order demands new mores, norms and value system

SOCIAL TABOO-A HYPOCRISY: Social order demands new mores, norms and value system

Falling obsolete modes and norms; new lease of life for young people

Haryana is a tiny state situated in the proximity of national capital. Uttar Pradesh and Uttrakhand are on it's east, Himachal Pradesh and Punjab is on it's north side whereas Rajasthan is situated in western side. Predominantly it is a rural society with huge population living in the villages. Although city centers, education, advent of new technology and scientific development has influenced the economy of the state and living style as well. Agriculture, the chief vocation of rural Haryanvi society and it has undergone tremendous change in the last five decades. Agriculture is now more scientific and more productive compared to days when Haryana was carved out from Punjab in 1966. Good income and new opportunities available changed the scenario of rural Haryana in many ways. Land tenure system has changed significantly and relation between communities as well. Increasing population has drastically shortened the land share and ownership per family. But on the same time new avenues developed in terms of job opportunities created in both public and private sector and this is largely because of spread and availability of education in villages and nearby city centers. And it couldn't be restricted to males but more females found chance to go to school and later on to colleges and universities. Although Haryanvi society remained predominantly rigid and introvert. Rural society is generally governed by norms, mode and dictum of their males. In short it is a patriarchal society where women are relegated to second fiddle abysmally and they have very little to their side if it comes to   decision making. Although elected Gram Panchayats are technically govern the villages since 1952 and 73rd amendment to constitution has improved the status, functions and working of village Panchayts. Now 1/3rd offices are reserved for women. 

Historically Haryana is a part of that land mass that has witnessed great wars and battles in its planes. The oldest civilization is said to be existed in this state. Rural society has been in influence and govern of "Khaps" since time immemorial. These Khaps have been a source and seat of delivering justice to common man. These were the informal organisation to guide and guarantee the implementation of social norms, modes and manage the variegated social contradictions. Centuries after centuries passed and these Khaps have discharged their duties and responsibilities holding the dictum of justice and it's deliverance. Unfortunately with the change of time,it was expected that these (Khaps)) will adorn the new role in the changed circumstances but  these couldn't   change themselves to demands of new urgency and requirements of the society. Once the torch bearer of equity and justness slipped into the informal organisation of crudity and cruelty where every change is opposed tooth and nail on the name of saving social values and brotherhood. Over the time these Nobel organisations attained the symbol and recognizance of brutality, intolerance and unjust. These organisations are now headed by the skewed minded so called lords. They have no respect for new changes, new values, new exigencies created by newer model of development and education although enjoys all the fruits of such happenings. Women and down trodden people are the easiest prey of the decisions of these conglomeration of hood looms (in modern context). 

Haryana is a state which is governed by such Khaps for centuries if social set up is considered. Almost all castes have their own Khaps to rule their societies. And interestingly all behave in similar way. Women are at the receiving end and young women and newly wed couples who dares to defy the so called norms created by them. In recent times, such Khaps have been in news for all wrong reasons. "Honor killings" of young couples who tie the nuptial knots against the crude rules of society. The mate choice is mercilessly restricted among st the clans, castes, sub-castes, village, group of villages aka Khap segments. Many a couples have to sacrifice their lives on the altar of their love. And such happenings haunts the young minds and they have to curb their natural affinity for someone who rules their heart. In the hind sight the role, dictate and fear of Khap is prominent. For last few years, a continuous demand is churning the round in the society to relook the thought process and actions of Khaps. "The Satrol Khap" that is a conglomeration of  four "Tapas" (sub segment)  namely Narnaund, Petwad, Baas and  Ugalan of 42 villages around Narnaund area of Hisar district has dared to challenge the tradition and rigid norms established to govern the marriages wherein families couldn't select mate for their wards within the range of 42 villages instead Gotra (sub caste) of mother, grand mother and other Gotra of the village and this situation has make the situation very grim and hopeless for mate selection resultant people have to look for brides in far flung areas and this has created an unpleasant and awkward situation. Inhabitants of the area particularly of young people have been asking to change this unreasonable and unpractical situation. It is necessary to mention here that this area is the place where once the oldest human civilization "Mohanjodaro" believed to be existed. Archaeological excavation at Rakhi Khas and Rakhi Garhi proves this notion. Perhaps the area of the oldest civilization at forefront to re-establish the humane and rationale values. The deliberations and discussion on this vital issue brought fruit in the third week of April,2014 when Khap leaders decided to dissolve this 700 years old tradition where matrimonial alliance were forbidden in 42 villages of 4 Tapas of Satrol Khap. It is not a small decision but a historical leap under the modern exigencies, needs, requirements of the society. Families of the area were abysmally cornered to find a suitable match for their kids. On the face it looks simple decision but if analysed deeply it'll emanates the bounding desire to free the society and human minds from the shackles of age old retrogressive tradition and create an environment that would bind the society with the new sentiments of freedom and liberty. Although some voice of dissent is being heard from a section of Khap but it seems it'll die it's own death as progressive thought always  prevails. And it's success is guaranteed because this decision has given new lease of life to young lads of the area and their vocal and reasonable support will make the new dawn a reality. Two families of the village Rajthal and Madan Heri decided to break this age old tradition that now has become obsolete by arranging and accepting the marriage alliance within the Satrol Khap. The pioneering step of these two families is   worth appreciation and will definitely pave the way of for making more rationale and just society that will be free from unnecessary bondage. Time is watching the new development with all curiosity and in coming days some other obsolete norms and modes will fall flat against rational and reason. New breeze is now blowing in the area where once oldest civilization flourished and surely engross whole of Haryana soon. The process of positive change that has been set in couldn't be reversed.  

Khap: A body of organisation of cluster of villages.
Satrol Khap: An organisation of 42 villages of Narnaund area.
Tapa: A sub segment or constituent of Khap.
Mohanjodaro: Oldest civilization of world.
Gotra: Sub Caste