Wednesday, February 3, 2010

Khauf (terror) of khap panchayats



Diktats of khap panchayats seem to rule the rural Haryana rather than rule of law, one of the key pillar of any democratic system and these Tughlaquee diktats are ruining the life of young married couples. Recently few such cases have been the headlines of newspapers. The diktats issued by these kangaroo courts of khap panchayats are writing the fate of married couples and have taken the established justice delivery system at ransom without any written or custom oriented authority completely disregarding the norms governing the private life individuals. Marriage of Satish of Kheri Maham and Kavita of Bhagi-Bahrod was annulled by such socalled khap panchayat and the couple was ordered to be brother-sister despite having a child out of this wedlock. How can a married couple , who has intimate physical relations be brother-sister all of sudden? Do the social and moral ethics permit this? The alamberdars of social values and customs forget the fact that once sexual relations established between a man and woman, they can not be treated as brother-sister even in parlance. Likewise khap panchayat annulled a marriage of a couple of Kheri Ballam and Sundana and ordered their exile from the village. Marriage of Ravi Khanagwal of Khandakheri and Kavita Nagar of Nangthala village was spoiled by hood looms of village citing that marriage is illegal between them because Khanagwal gotra people reside in Nangthala. Couple is curse to face the ignominy rather bliss of honeymoon within hours of tieing the nupital knot.
In all these cases, pathetic attitude of state governmeand its administration is not only appalling but disgusting also. Political class who swears to be saviour of the masses skips its responsibility.Rather protecting people, it showers mute approval to the undemocratic unethical actions of khap panchayats in order to intact their vote bank. It is their duty to oppose each and every such incident and generate a social opinion against such kind of harakiri. Administration time and again (like in earlier cases) prefer to keep mum. It is there duty to implement the rule of law. Administration is responsible for every single individual's life, liberty and privileges. Most of social organizations and NGOs claiming for working of the security and liberty of individuals could not utter a single word against these gory incidents. Only a thin voice of few radical organizations is heard in opposition sporadically. Executive, that all the time harps and insists that judiciary is encroaching upon its field of action, amazingly non-committal for the security and liberty of such victimized couples. Higher Judiciary takes the cognizance of such instances but administration prefer to be mum and lame. The other day, we celebrated the death anniversary of Ch. Ranbir Singh, referred as icon of Indian constitution but we failed to respect and implement the noble ideas enshrined in constitution drafted by these great freedom fighters and law makers. It is the shame on us. Issues of marriage with in gotra is cooked to stress and emphasize their view point rather than any reality. Not even a single marriage has been occurred where both boy and girl belongs to strictly speaking same gotra. Even the gotra of ancestors is isolated as a matter of principle while finalizing a alliance not only in arranged marriages but also in love marriages. As and when such issue is raised, the other gotras of the village are said to be in the degree of isolation. When the marriage between gotras is not forbidden in other parts of the state, then how can the marriage in particular village is taboo. Such marriage alliances are raked up as marriage in the same gotra. Unholy and unrealistic hype is created to make the lives of the couples spoiled in order to brighten chaudhar of a few feudal minded village lords. Social fabric of society is torn for the suitability of a few such chaudhar hungry people. So called village lords with ingrained feudal mind set are allowed to play freely according to their sweet whim and wishes. Time has come, not only government and its administration but also society as a whole has to oppose such tendencies tooth and nail otherwise peace and tranquility of the rural areas will be at stake. Time and again Haryana in general and rural areas in particular are made hunting ground to brighten the leadership of a few disgruntle element who are hell bent upon to spoil the social order. Should we be made victim of such thoughtless minds? Think...........

Friday, January 15, 2010

Social order demands new mores, norms and value system

Society of present day has been evolved after undergoing different phases- differentiated or undifferentiated. The society is and has been highly stratified in general but south Asian societies in particular are characteristically introverted. Indian societies are typically influenced by significant factors purported and perpetuated by alien cultures over the centuries and thereby assumed unique character hardly found anywhere. Northern India had been a battle ground being the land frontier of India with rest of world. People lire were hopelessly obliged to face every kind of force whether it was good or evil. External aggressors for conquests had their own motives while on the other hand cultural and religious intrusion had their own manifestations. This all led to evolution of distinct Indian culture typically composite and complex in its texture and structure.Caste, creed, religion, social mores and norms interwoven in its own way to give rise a completely unique character to Indian society with its own synthesized values and order. Historically, society in northern India is altogether different with respect to other distinct parts of India.
Here in Haryana also castes become more prominent and influencing people's behaviour in social mil lieu and in this process religion relegated to backseat.Castes in northern states predominately not only influences functioning of social institutions but also dictates mode of social actions of its people. Over the different phases of social development castes become very rigid and hardly permits horizontal movements between different castes. But fortunately the prevailing situation is continuously under strain because of discrete impact of expanding educational network, forced urbanization and changing socio-economic and political scenario. People somehow recognized and accepted the phenomenon of inter caste marriages particularly i urban centres. Also those who belongs to rural areas and fall in such kind of inter community transgressions are compelled to find shelter in urban hideouts.
But society is so complex and new inevitable bonding are bound to arise. Village societies that were simple and social values and norms at a whole were applicable on each and every individual and group in equal terms. Social relations were very simple and straight. People living not only in same village but also of neighbourhood treated themselves brother en and sisters. This bondage is considered as sacred. Over the time these social relations crumbled by their own weight. Young ones are not committed to this old and outdated arrangements. New emotional relation peeps through their eyes beyond unrealistic brother-sister configuration. heavens have fallen sensing this new beginning. Not only tradition oriented people but also progressive bent of mind people are amazed and at a great loss in explaining and accepting these new moorings of young lads. Gotra is a key while arranging a mate both in rural and urban societies. Even the most advanced parents living in Haryana think of Gotra of his/her clan up to at least three generations. But what may come across, this social arrangement have to have pave way for new emerging needs both psychological and mental. History is the witness that change is every time resisted tooth and nail; and certain young people have to sacrifice their lives on the altar of this unthink for social device. New social order demands newer mores and norms accommodating new needs,requirements and demands of newer generation. what make come in the way new path is bound to evolve. Ponder and react as you deem fit...................

Friday, December 11, 2009

Gotra Trouble Again: The Dark Undercurrents of Haryana’s Social Order

— By Ramphal Kataria

Educated Yet Enslaved: The Ahirwal Dilemma

 

The 2009 Manethi village case of Sunil Yadav and Sarla Yadav reveals how gotra taboos and feudal mindsets still dominate Haryana’s social fabric. Despite education and economic progress in south Haryana’s Ahirwal belt, village elders sought to annul a consensual marriage, echoing khap-style interventions from central and western Haryana. This episode underscores the enduring clash between constitutional freedoms and patriarchal social control.

On December 6, 2009, The Tribune reported a disturbing story from Manethi village, 25 km from Rewari. A young couple, Sunil Yadav (22) and Sarla Yadav (21), solemnized their marriage in a temple on November 13, 2009, exercising their free will and legal right to marry. What should have been a simple, joyous occasion soon turned into a test of survival. Agitated elders convened a panchayat meeting to devise ways to dissolve the marriage, citing violation of gotra norms [The Tribune, Dec 6, 2009].

South Haryana’s Distinct Identity — And Its Similar Rot

This case is significant because it did not emerge from the Jat-dominated heartland of central Haryana (Rohtak, Jind, Sonepat) or western Haryana (Hisar, Bhiwani), but from Ahirwal — the Yadav-majority tracts of Rewari and Mahendergarh in south Haryana.

For decades, Ahirwal has prided itself on producing soldiers, technocrats, agricultural scientists, and educated professionals. Villages like Manethi symbolize this progress. Yet, the incident reveals an uncomfortable truth: the psyche of social control remains strikingly similar to the Jat belts. Beneath the veneer of education and economic mobility lies the same feudal-patriarchal mindset that subordinates personal liberty to community honor.

The Gotra Taboo: Old Wine in a New Bottle

The opposition to Sunil and Sarla’s marriage hinged on the belief that their union violated gotra exogamy norms. Such prohibitions have long been enforced by khap panchayats, especially among Jats, but resonate across other communities as well.

By 2009, the infamous Manoj–Babli case (2007, Kaithal district) had already become a national reference point: the couple was brutally murdered for marrying within the same gotra. In March 2010, a Haryana court sentenced five accused to death in that case [BBC, Mar 30, 2010]. The Manethi incident, though less violent, proves that the infection of social authoritarianism was not confined to one caste or region.

The Role of Panchayats and Silence of the State

What made the Manethi case more disturbing was the role of numberdars and elected panchayat members, who joined elders in seeking dissolution of the marriage. Instead of upholding constitutional values, they became instruments of coercion.

Equally worrying was the silence of the administration. State authorities, despite their constitutional duty to safeguard fundamental rights, remained mute spectators. This abdication mirrored earlier failures in cases where couples had been harassed, attacked, or even killed in the name of “honor” [Los Angeles Times, Sep 2009].

Comparing Central, Western, and Southern Haryana

Central Haryana (Rohtak, Jind, Sonepat): Khap panchayats regularly issued diktats against intra-gotra and intra-village marriages, with reported cases of honor killings [The Tribune, 2009].

Western Haryana (Hisar, Bhiwani): Similar practices of khap intervention, often violent, were common.

Southern Haryana (Rewari, Mahendergarh): Though Yadavs dominate instead of Jats, the Manethi case proved that the patriarchal mindset is no different.

Thus, while demography differs, the character of rural Haryana society is uniformly intolerant of self-choice marriages.

A Stark Contrast and a Call for Introspection

The Manethi episode exposes a painful paradox: a village known for sending its sons to universities and the armed forces, yet unable to accept two adults exercising the freedom to choose each other. Education and economic progress co-exist with medieval attitudes.

Nothing could be more unjust than pressuring a couple to annul a marriage sanctified in a temple. It violates not just constitutional rights but also basic human decency.

The incident compels Haryana to ask: Will we continue to let self-styled social lords dictate the most private decisions of young adults? Or will we affirm the values of liberty and dignity promised by the Constitution?

The story of Sunil and Sarla in November–December 2009 is more than a local dispute. It is a reminder that the struggle for personal freedom in Haryana is ongoing — and that progress is hollow if love itself is chained by feudal control.

References

1. The Tribune. “Gotra Trouble Again: Village elders seek to undo the knot.” December 6, 2009. [Report from Rewari on Sunil Yadav and Sarla Yadav’s marriage dispute].

2. BBC News. “Death for India ‘honour killers’.” March 30, 2010. [Coverage of Manoj–Babli case in Kaithal, Haryana].

3. Los Angeles Times. “In India, arranged marriage rules are enforced with violence.” September 2009. [International coverage on honor killings and khap diktats in Haryana].

4. The Tribune (2007–2009 archives). Multiple reports on honor killings and khap panchayat diktats in Rohtak, Jind, and Hisar districts.

 

 

Saturday, December 5, 2009

Haryana’s Caste Hypocrisy: When the Oppressed Become Oppressors


From Siwaha’s lower-caste diktat to Dalit sub-classification politics, Haryana reveals how feudal patriarchy and caste rigidity still dictate young lives.

This blog examines the persistence of caste rigidity and patriarchal codes in Haryana, focusing on how Scheduled Castes, once oppressed, now replicate the same feudal behaviours historically used against them. The Siwaha incident, where a Dalit couple was ordered to dissolve their marriage, highlights the internalisation of khap-style authority among lower castes. The analysis extends to the political manipulation of caste through reservation, particularly after the Supreme Court’s 2024 ruling in Davinder Singh, which allowed sub-classification of Scheduled Castes. Haryana’s politics has exploited these divisions, splitting Chamars and non-Chamars for electoral gain. Drawing on landmark Supreme Court judgments from Champakam Dorairajan (1951) to Janhit Abhiyan (2022), the piece argues that caste remains the most potent instrument of social control and political mobilisation. Unless society breaks this cycle and returns reservation to its core mission — education, dignity, and opportunity — Haryana will remain trapped in its contradictions.

Haryana is a state known for its hardworking people. Yet beneath the surface of industry and progress lies a darker truth: caste rigidity remains a relentless force. For centuries, this land of wars and migrations has cultivated a society where community identity, not individual freedom, determines destiny. And while much has been written about khaps and upper-caste conservatism, the uncomfortable reality is that Scheduled Castes (SCs) too are increasingly mirroring the same feudal and patriarchal values once used to suppress them.

The Siwaha Incident: A Mirror to Society

In early December, 2009, Siwaha village in Panipat district witnessed an ugly spectacle. A young Scheduled Caste couple, having solemnized their marriage, were ordered by local leaders to either dissolve their union or face the consequences.

What makes this case striking is not merely the cruelty — Haryana has seen too many such diktats — but the identity of the enforcers. These were not upper-caste khap elders, but influential members of the lower social strata, replicating khap-style authority to project themselves as community guardians.

This hypocrisy is telling. Leaders who rail against upper-caste domination are now aping its worst features. By policing love and marriage, they signal both power and “honour” within their groups, even at the cost of young lives. Women, as always, become the first casualties of such patriarchal enforcement.

Feudal Values Across Castes

The Siwaha episode is not an aberration. It illustrates how feudal and patriarchal values transcend caste lines. Haryana’s Scheduled Castes, historically victims of discrimination, have themselves internalised the same rigid codes. Intra-gotra and intra-village marriages are policed with the same severity in Dalit households as in Jat or upper-caste ones.

This is not just social conservatism; it is the replication of a control mechanism. Lower-caste elites use it to assert authority over their communities. In doing so, they imprison themselves within the very mindset that once excluded them.

Reservation and the Politics of Division

The paradox extends from the village to the statehouse. Reservation, conceived as a tool of social justice, has become another arena of caste fragmentation. Over the years, the Supreme Court has tried to balance equality with special provisions:

Champakam Dorairajan (1951): Struck down communal quotas; led to the First Amendment adding Article 15(4), enabling special provisions for backward classes and SC/ST.

Indra Sawhney (1992) upheld OBC quotas but introduced the “creamy layer” exclusion. 

M. Nagaraj (2006) and Jarnail Singh (2018) insisted that promotions for SC/STs be justified with data.

Janhit Abhiyan (2022) upheld the 10% EWS quota, weakening the 50% ceiling.

State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh (2024): Allowed sub-classification of SC/ST to ensure equitable distribution. Suggested even SC/ST may face creamy-layer type exclusion if dominant groups corner benefits. Stressed the need for empirical evidence and rational criteria to avoid political misuse.

This last judgment has seismic implications in Haryana. Here, caste segmentation within Dalits — Chamars vs. non-Chamars already runs deep. By permitting sub-classification, the Court has armed politicians with a sharper tool for dividing SC communities.

Indeed, Haryana wasted no time. Acting on the advice of the state’s Scheduled Caste Commission, it moved to categorise SC reservations, consolidating non-Chamar votes under the BJP while leaving Chamars aligned with the Congress. The rhetoric of justice thus masks a familiar game: fragment to consolidate power.

When Oppression Becomes a Tool

The result is tragic irony. Instead of uniting against entrenched inequalities, Dalit communities are turned against one another. Reservation benefits flow disproportionately to dominant SC sub-groups, fuelling resentment among others. The cry of “Scheduled Caste A” versus “Scheduled Caste B” has drawn permanent lines of separation, eroding solidarity.

Meanwhile, education and job opportunities — the real levers of empowerment — remain scarce. The political class thrives on managing identities rather than delivering development. As one analyst quipped, “The ball is thrown for non-existent posts in the playground.”

A Politics of Hypocrisy

From the khap-like diktats in villages to the reservation chessboard in Chandigarh, the message is consistent: caste remains Haryana’s most manipulable currency. And hypocrisy abounds. Leaders denounce upper-caste oppression while enforcing their own brand of patriarchal discipline. Parties invoke social justice while using quotas to split communities. Even the Prime Minister, in seeking connection, identifies not as a citizen but as an OBC.

This is not empowerment — it is entrapment. A society that measures itself by caste purity and patriarchal codes cannot claim progress, no matter how high its GDP or how many medals its athletes bring home.

Breaking the Cycle

The question is whether right-thinking people will stay silent. Will ordinary Haryanvis, living in today’s India, register their anguish at seeing young couples punished for love? Will Scheduled Castes recognise that adopting the worst traits of feudalism only reinforces their own chains?

The Siwaha case offers a warning: oppression, once internalised, reproduces itself endlessly. If the oppressed become oppressors, society does not move forward — it merely shifts the weight of its chains.

The way out lies not in further fragmentation but in reclaiming the original spirit of reservation — to level the playing field through education, dignity, and opportunity. It lies in dismantling patriarchal codes, not reinforcing them. Above all, it lies in remembering that caste, whether invoked by khaps or Dalit elites, is the enemy of individual freedom.

Until then, Haryana will remain trapped in its contradictions — a land of hardworking people shackled by the hypocrisy of its own traditions.

References

1. State of Madras v. Champakam Dorairajan, AIR 1951 SC 226.

2. Indra Sawhney v. Union of India, 1992 Supp (3) SCC 217 (Mandal Commission case).

3. M. Nagaraj v. Union of India, (2006) 8 SCC 212.

4. Jarnail Singh v. Lachhmi Narain Gupta, (2018) 10 SCC 396.

5. Janhit Abhiyan v. Union of India, (2022) 10 SCC 1 (EWS quota).

6. State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh, (2024) 7-Judge Constitution Bench judgment.

7. Satish Deshpande, Caste Matters in Public Policy, Economic & Political Weekly, 2013.

8. Ghanshyam Shah, Caste and Democratic Politics in India, Permanent Black, 2002.

9. Christophe Jaffrelot, India’s Silent Revolution: The Rise of the Lower Castes in North India, C. Hurst & Co., 2003.

10. Haryana Scheduled Caste Commission Reports (various years).

11. News reports on the Siwaha (Panipat) incident, Dainik Bhaskar and The Tribune, December, 2009.

 

 

Saturday, November 14, 2009

Hypocrisy in Indian Society: The Paradox of Values and Economic Opportunism

Indian society, particularly in Haryana, reveals a stark paradox: traditions remain rigid, yet values are routinely discarded when economic incentives appear. Widows remarried through Karewa still claim widow pensions; housewives falsely receive unemployment benefits; and caste identity is manipulated for jobs, subsidies, and elections. Haryana, despite being among India’s richest states, continues to be bound by Khap diktats and caste politics, where prosperity has reinforced feudal mindsets instead of eroding them. From Devi Lal’s Jat mobilization to BJP’s non-Jat arithmetic, politics thrives on hypocrisy. The state exemplifies how economic growth without social reform deepens contradictions rather than resolving them.

Indian society is as variegated as the land itself. Here, diametrically opposite traditions coexist—sometimes within the same family, the same street, or the same village. Customs and conventions that should have waned under the pressures of modernity continue to flourish, often reshaped by economic compulsions. What emerges is a paradoxical social order: rigidly stratified on cultural and caste lines, yet strikingly opportunistic when it comes to exploiting economic benefits.

The hypocrisy is glaring. People cling to traditions when it suits them, but discard values the moment personal gain is in sight.

Contradictions of Tradition and Modernity

Historically, India’s social stratification has been horizontal—fixed castes and communities, each confined within its prescribed role—rather than vertical, based on merit or mobility. Economic reforms, migration, and urbanization promised to break these shackles, but in reality, caste and social identity remain far more decisive than merit or values.

Even among economically well-off strata, hypocrisy prevails. On one hand, urban elites denounce “backward rural practices,” but on the other, they manipulate caste identity to secure quotas in education or jobs. Villages, meanwhile, are still governed by Khap panchayats that impose medieval taboos on marriage, gender roles, and “honour,” yet these same leaders do not hesitate to bypass rules when economic incentives come into play.

Instances of Hypocrisy in Practice

Widowhood as a Tool for Economic Gain

Two incidents bring this contradiction into sharp relief.

A married woman, forehead marked with sindoor, went to a notary to declare herself a widow for the purpose of securing a pension. Her new husband himself compelled her into this lie, overriding her shame and hesitation.

Housewives, who never sought jobs, have been enrolled for unemployment allowances. Their husbands—who forbid them from working—prepare the paperwork to siphon benefits meant for the truly unemployed.

In Haryana, over 40,000 ineligible people were found availing social security pensions in a 2021 verification drive, many through false widow or BPL claims.

The Anganwadi Worker Case in Hansi

During my tenure as Tehsildar in Hansi (Hisar, 2011), I was tasked with an inquiry into a revealing case. A woman, claiming widowhood, applied for an Anganwadi Worker post. Widows received an extra 10 marks, making her selection possible. However, she had remarried through Karewa (a customary remarriage within the family of the deceased husband). She even had a child with her new husband.

When confronted, she brazenly denied remarriage, insisting she remained a widow. The child, she said, was “hers alone,” dismissing the father’s recorded name as a clerical formality.

Here, tradition (Karewa) and modern opportunity (government job) fused into hypocrisy: clinging to widowhood status for benefit, while simultaneously rejecting its restrictions when inconvenient.

Other Reflections of Value Decay

Such cases are not rare. Across Haryana and India, one finds similar distortions:

Fake caste certificates: Nearly 1.8 lakh fake caste certificates were detected across India (2015–2020).

Dowry practices: Despite being outlawed in 1961, India still records 6,900 dowry deaths annually (NCRB 2022).

Education subsidies: In Haryana, audits reveal BPL misuse by affluent families to secure school admissions and scholarships.

Election opportunism: 70% of voters in Haryana admit caste influences their ballot (CSDS, 2019).

Property disputes: Two-thirds of all civil cases in Haryana are land-related, often within families.

The Haryana Context: Tradition Meets Modernity

Tracing Haryana’s social history reveals why hypocrisy is particularly entrenched.

Ancient/medieval: Caste dictated occupation and honour codes; marriage taboos rigid.

Colonial: Canal colonization enriched some castes; hierarchy hardened.

Post-independence: Green Revolution created prosperity but reinforced dominance of landholding castes. Khap panchayats retained medieval control over marriage.

Present day: Haryana enjoys the second-highest per-capita income in India (₹2,96,685 in 2023–24), yet caste-based honour killings (70 cases between 2015–2020) and Khap diktats remain routine.

Economic growth has not softened tradition; it has sharpened its hypocrisy.

Comparisons: Kerala, Punjab, and Haryana

The paradox of Haryana stands out more clearly when compared with other states.

Kerala:
Kerala has a per-capita income less than half of Haryana’s (₹1,53,167 in 2023–24), yet it consistently outperforms Haryana in social indicators: literacy (96% vs Haryana’s 77%), sex ratio (1,084 vs 929), infant mortality (5 vs 28 per 1,000 live births). Here, social reforms and education movements reduced hypocrisy by aligning values with development.

Punjab:
Punjab, like Haryana, is agriculturally prosperous, but caste rigidity is somewhat diluted by Sikh egalitarian ethos. Hypocrisy exists—such as farm subsidy misuse and drug trade—but Khap diktats and honour killings are far less prevalent.

Haryana:
Haryana is the paradox writ large. Despite wealth, it ranks 18th on India’s Human Development Index (NITI Aayog, 2021). Patriarchal customs like Karewa persist; caste dictates marriages and politics. Prosperity has not bred modernity—it has entrenched feudal mindsets.

Thus, Haryana reveals a unique pattern: high economic growth + low social progress = maximum hypocrisy

Politics as the Stage of Hypocrisy

Nothing exposes this hypocrisy more than Haryana’s politics.

Devi Lal and the Jat Mobilization

In the 1980s, Devi Lal, the “Champion of Farmers,” rose to power by consolidating the Jat community as a political force. He projected himself as the voice of the peasantry, yet under his rule the benefits of land, subsidies, and jobs flowed mainly to dominant groups. Justice for backward castes and Dalits remained lip service.

Chautala Era: Feudal Politics in Democracy

Om Prakash Chautala carried this legacy forward in the 1990s and 2000s. His regime was notorious for nepotism, corruption, and feudal high-handedness. Teachers’ recruitment scams exposed how government jobs were sold for cash or caste loyalty. Yet, his party continued to win on the plank of “values” and “Jat honour.”

Post-2014 BJP Strategy: Non-Jat Consolidation

The BJP, sensing fatigue with Jat dominance, pursued a deliberate non-Jat consolidation strategy after 2014. By distributing tickets disproportionately to non-Jats and allying with caste groups like Punjabis, Sainis, and Dalits, it built a counterweight. But this was not meritocracy—it was caste arithmetic in a new form.

Elections as Hypocrisy in Motion

2019 Assembly Elections: Out of 90 seats, caste identity determined almost every ticket. BJP fielded 48 non-Jat candidates, while Congress leaned on Jats.

Khap Mobilization: Khap leaders, who ban intra-gotra marriages, negotiated with parties for ticket distribution and electoral support.

Women in Politics: Despite women forming nearly half the electorate, only 9 women MLAs were elected. Parties celebrate “Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao” in speeches but deny women tickets in practice.

Wealth and Criminality: ADR reports show 80% of MLAs are crorepatis, with many facing criminal cases. Voters who denounce corruption still elect them.

From Devi Lal’s populism to Chautala’s feudalism to BJP’s social engineering, the thread is the same: hypocrisy dressed as politics.

The Paradox of Social vs. Economic Development

The fundamental paradox is this: India and Haryana may grow economically, but social values lag—or worse, are contorted. Social conservatism and opportunism coexist, producing a society that is both rigid and dishonest.

Economic development should ideally foster fairness, equality, and modern values. Instead, in Haryana, it often reinforces old hierarchies:

Dominant castes capture state benefits disproportionately.

Women remain instruments of manipulation rather than beneficiaries of empowerment.

Political power flows not from ideology but caste arithmetic.

The result: India today is a “unique hypocrite society”—modern in aspiration, medieval in practice, and opportunistic in action

Conclusion

When economic gain is in sight, values are the first casualty. Widowhood is both exploited and denied, caste is both flaunted and concealed, gender is both worshipped and subjugated. Haryana exemplifies this paradox, where centuries of tradition meet modern schemes, and hypocrisy thrives in the gap between social conservatism and economic opportunism.

From the widow pensions to Anganwadi posts, from Devi Lal’s farmer populism to BJP’s caste calculus, the pattern is unchanged: values are invoked, only to be betrayed. Until honesty, merit, and equality replace hypocrisy as social hallmarks, the mirror of Haryana—and indeed India—will reflect not progress, but pretence.

References

1. Census of India 2011 – Population, sex ratio, literacy data.

2. NITI Aayog (2021), National Human Development Report – Haryana’s HDI ranking (18th).

3. Haryana Economic Survey 2023–24 – Per-capita income figures.

4. NCRB Crime in India Report (2022) – Dowry deaths (~6,900 annually nationwide).

5. Press Trust of India (Sept 2021) – Haryana Govt identified 40,000 ineligible pension beneficiaries through verification.

6. Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India Reports on Haryana (2018–2020) – Misuse of BPL and social security schemes.

7. Ministry of Social Justice, Govt of India (2020) – 1.8 lakh fake caste certificates cancelled across states.

8. CSDS-Lokniti Survey (2019, General Election Studies) – ~70% voters in Haryana admit caste influences voting.

9. ADR (Association for Democratic Reforms, 2019 Assembly Report) – 80% Haryana MLAs are crorepatis; many face criminal charges.

10. International Institute for Population Sciences (NFHS-5, 2019–21) – Haryana’s sex ratio at birth (929), literacy gap, and women’s empowerment indicators.

11. The Hindu, Indian Express, Times of India (2010–2023) – Reports on Khap panchayat diktats, honour killings, and marriage taboos in Haryana.

12. Jean Drèze & Amartya Sen (2013), An Uncertain Glory: India and its Contradictions – On India’s economic growth vs. social development paradox.