Selective Morality: Culture, Vulgarity and the Politics of Outrage in Haryanvi Music

-Ramphal Kataria

Rustic Humour or Obscenity? The Tateeree Debate and Cultural Hypocrisy

The recent controversy surrounding the song “Tateeree” by rapper Badshah and the sharp reaction led by Renu Bhatia, Chairperson, Haryana Women Commission has triggered a familiar moral debate in Haryana. The song was accused of containing vulgar or obscene imagery and quickly became the subject of an FIR and public condemnation.

However, the artist has already issued an unconditional apology, withdrawn the song, and expressed willingness to cooperate with the investigation. The persistence of outrage despite these steps raises a deeper question: is the issue truly about protecting cultural values, or does it reveal a pattern of selective morality in the politics of cultural outrage?

To answer this, one must place the controversy within the larger ecosystem of Indian popular music—particularly the traditions of Haryanvi folk performance, modern Haryanvi pop, Bollywood entertainment, and Bhojpuri music.

Evolution of Haryanvi Music: From Ragni Tradition to Digital Pop Culture

To understand contemporary controversies around songs like “Tateeree,” it is important to view them within the long cultural evolution of Haryanvi music. The musical tradition of Haryana has travelled a remarkable journey—from the folk ragni and saang performances of rural akharas to a thriving modern industry of digital pop music streamed across the world.

The foundation of this tradition was laid by the legendary folk poet Pandit Lakhmi Chand, popularly known as Dada Lakhmi and often called the “Kalidas of Haryana.” or “Shakespeare of Haryana”. Through his powerful ragni compositions, he transformed folk performance into a medium of storytelling, moral reflection and social commentary. His saang performances drew large rural audiences and established ragni as the defining cultural expression of the region. Alongside him, other notable folk artists such as Mange Ram, Baje Bhagat, Dayachand Mayna, Nardev and Meharchand enriched the classical ragni tradition through performances that blended humour, romance, satire and everyday rural experiences.

Over time, this folk heritage gradually evolved into a modern musical form. With the arrival of cassette culture in the 1980s and 1990s and later the explosion of digital platforms such as YouTube, Haryanvi music expanded beyond village gatherings into a commercial entertainment industry with mass audiences. Contemporary performers have blended traditional ragni elements with modern beats, dance rhythms and rap influences, creating a new genre of Haryanvi pop.

Thus, Haryanvi music represents a continuous cultural journey—from the poetic ragni traditions of Pandit Lakhmi Chand to the globally streamed digital hits of contemporary artists. While the musical form and technology have evolved dramatically, the essence of the genre—its rustic humour, bold metaphors and emotionally direct style—remains deeply rooted in the cultural life of Haryana. Understanding this continuum is essential when evaluating modern controversies, as contemporary songs are part of a much longer and complex cultural tradition rather than isolated phenomena.

A defining feature of ragni storytelling was playful banter between characters—particularly the familiar devar–bhabhi teasing motif. Such exchanges often contained double meanings and flirtatious humour.

Within the cultural context of village performance, however, these expressions were rarely interpreted as obscene. Entire communities attended ragni programmes, and the humour was understood as theatrical exaggeration rather than literal moral transgression.

With the rise of digital media and regional music labels, Haryanvi music expanded dramatically in reach. Ragni-style storytelling evolved into modern music videos distributed through YouTube channels and streaming platforms.

A younger generation of artists has taken the genre to an even larger audience. Renuka Panwar achieved massive popularity with viral hits like 52 Gaj Ka Daman and Chatak Matak, both of which have attracted hundreds of millions of online views. Similarly, artists such as Gulzaar Chhaniwala have blended folk narratives with rap-style delivery, while KD Desi Rock helped pioneer modern Haryanvi rap celebrating regional pride and identity. Urban-style Haryanvi music has also gained prominence through performers like Sumit Goswami and Dhanda Nyoliwala, whose songs reflect the aspirations and attitudes of a younger generation.

Among the most visible performers of this modern era is Sapna Choudhary, whose energetic stage performances and songs like Gajban Pani Ne Chali and Teri Lat Lag Ja Gi brought Haryanvi music into mainstream North Indian popular culture. Singers such as Raju Punjabi and Masoom Sharma further popularized the genre with widely circulated tracks blending rural themes with contemporary music production.

Many of these songs rely on flirtation, bodily metaphors and suggestive humour.

For example, typical lyrical imagery resembles lines such as:

“Solid body teri dekh ke chhora dil haar gaya,
ghaghra jhule jab chhori, gaon ka mela lag gaya.”

or

“Chatak matak chalti chhori, payal bole taal,
dekh ke tere nakhre saare chhore ho gaye behaal.”

These metaphors are rooted in rural imagery and have long been accepted as part of Haryanvi entertainment culture.

Popular Haryanvi Songs with Suggestive Themes

The following examples illustrate how flirtation and double meaning dominate mainstream Haryanvi music:

Song	Singer	Sample lyrical style
Solid Body	Raju Punjabi	“Solid body teri dekh ke chhora dil haar gaya / ghaghra uthte hi jaise bijli si chamak gaya.”
Chatak Matak	Renuka Panwar	“Chatak matak chalun main ghaghra bole taal / dekh ke mere nakhre chhore ho gaye laal.”
Jalebi	Raju Punjabi	“Jalebi si kamar teri gol gol ghoome / dekh ke chhora bole dil mera jhoome.”
Balam Ji	Masoom Sharma	“Balam ji tu aaja raat jawan hoyi / chandni ke saaye mein baat nayi hoyi.”
Bahu Kale Ki	Gajender Phogat	“Bahu kale ki aayi re gaon mein dhoom / dekh ke uski chaal chhore ho gaye ghoom.”
Tu Cheez Lajawab	Raju Punjabi	“Tu cheez lajawaab se chhori nazar na lage / dekh ke teri chaal dil mera bhage.”

These songs are played widely at:

weddings

DJ parties

village stage shows

social media reels

cultural festivals

Their popularity suggests that such lyrical styles have become normalised within the entertainment culture.

Bollywood’s Long History of Suggestive Lyrics

The controversy around “Tateeree” appears even more puzzling when compared with the long tradition of suggestive songs in Bollywood.

Songs such as:

Munni Badnaam Hui

Sheila Ki Jawani

Fevicol Se

Choli Ke Peeche Kya Hai

became nationwide hits despite containing strong double meanings.

Consider the famous line from Choli Ke Peeche Kya Hai:

“Choli ke peeche kya hai, choli ke peeche,
chunari ke neeche kya hai.”

Similarly, Fevicol Se included lines such as:

“Main to tandoori murgi hoon yaar,
gattka le saiyaan alcohol se.”

These songs were performed at award shows, televised events and wedding celebrations across the country without triggering sustained institutional outrage.

The Bhojpuri Music Industry: Even Stronger Imagery

The contrast becomes even more striking when one considers the Bhojpuri music industry.

Artists such as Pawan Singh and Khesari Lal Yadav have produced songs with far more explicit imagery that regularly trend on video platforms.

Songs such as:

Lollipop Lagelu

Rate Diya Butake

often include direct references to bodily attraction and romantic encounters.

A typical lyrical style resembles lines like:

“Lollipop lagelu, jab tu chalelu,
gaon ke chhora sab piche piche chalelu.”

or

“Rate diya butake piya kya kya kiya,
chadar mein lipat ke raat bhar jiya.”

These songs attract hundreds of millions of views on YouTube and circulate widely on social media platforms.

Yet controversies around them rarely escalate to the level of criminal complaints or institutional outrage.

The Digital Paradox: Outrage Creates Popularity

There is another dimension to the “Tateeree” controversy that reflects the realities of the digital age.

In today’s algorithm-driven media ecosystem, outrage itself becomes promotion.

When a song is publicly condemned, debated on television, and repeatedly mentioned by public officials, it attracts enormous curiosity. Audiences search for it online simply to see what the controversy is about.

The result is what media scholars call the “Streisand effect”—an attempt to suppress or criticize content inadvertently makes it more popular.

The moment a controversy erupts, social media users begin producing memes, parody versions and remix videos. Far from disappearing, the content becomes even more deeply embedded in digital culture.

This pattern is already visible in the case of “Tateeree.” Mock versions and humorous adaptations have flooded social media, turning the controversy itself into a cultural meme.

Thus, the paradox is clear: the louder the condemnation, the wider the circulation.

The Tateeree Controversy in Perspective

Against this vast landscape of suggestive music across multiple industries, the focus on “Tateeree” by Badshah appears disproportionately severe.

The artist has already apologized, withdrawn the song and expressed readiness to cooperate with authorities.

This raises a legitimate question: why is a single artist singled out while hundreds of similar songs continue to circulate freely?

Selective Morality and Media Visibility

The explanation may lie in the dynamics of media attention.

Badshah is a nationally recognized pop star with a significant presence in Bollywood and the Indian music industry. Any controversy involving him automatically generates national headlines.

By contrast, the regional Haryanvi music ecosystem—dominated by local artists and YouTube channels—rarely attracts the same scrutiny.

The result is selective moral enforcement, where visibility determines the intensity of outrage.

Such selective intervention risks appearing less like cultural protection and more like a search for publicity.

Can Targeting One Artist Reform Culture?

Even if one accepts the argument that certain lyrics may be objectionable, another question arises:

Will targeting a single artist reform the taste of audiences?

The answer is doubtful.

The popularity of Haryanvi, Bollywood and Bhojpuri songs with flirtatious or suggestive imagery suggests that audience demand plays a crucial role.

These songs dominate wedding playlists, DJ parties, stage shows and social media reels.

Without addressing the broader ecosystem of cultural consumption, isolated punitive actions are unlikely to produce meaningful change.

Culture, Memory and Hypocrisy

The “Tateeree” controversy ultimately exposes a deeper tension in cultural discourse.

Haryana’s own musical heritage—from ragni akharas to modern pop songs—has long embraced humour, flirtation and double meaning.

Bollywood and Bhojpuri music industries have produced countless songs with even stronger imagery.

Yet the current debate singles out one contemporary artist while ignoring this larger cultural archive.

What emerges, therefore, is not a consistent defence of cultural values but a pattern of selective morality shaped by media visibility and public attention.

Conclusion

The debate triggered by “Tateeree” reflects the complex relationship between culture, entertainment and moral discourse in contemporary India.

Protecting the dignity of women in cultural representation is a legitimate and important objective. However, such efforts must be guided by consistency and historical awareness.

If hundreds of songs with similar or stronger imagery continue to circulate freely across Haryanvi, Bollywood and Bhojpuri music industries, targeting a single artist will neither cleanse the cultural landscape nor transform public taste.

Instead, it risks turning cultural criticism into a spectacle of selective outrage.

Meaningful change—if genuinely desired—requires a broader conversation about the entire ecosystem of music, media and audience consumption.

 

From Ancient Patriarchy to Modern Political Rhetoric: The Long Decline of Women’s Status in Indian Society

-Ramphal Kataria

Goddesses in Temples, Targets in Politics

The Assembly That Remembered Women — For a Day

The noise rose slowly at first — a murmur spreading across the chamber of the Punjab Vidhan Sabha — before erupting into full-throated outrage.

Members stood from their seats, gesturing angrily across the aisle. Papers were waved in the air. The Speaker’s repeated calls for order were drowned out by competing accusations.

At the centre of the storm stood the Congress MLA Sukhpal Singh Khaira, accused by members of the treasury benches of making remarks that demeaned women while criticizing a government welfare scheme.

For a few moments, the Assembly appeared united in indignation. Legislators from different parties invoked the dignity of women, the sanctity of public language and the responsibility of elected representatives.

Yet the moral fervour carried a faint echo of irony.

Only days earlier, the Chief Minister of Punjab, Bhagwant Mann, had himself faced criticism from opposition leaders for remarks that many considered sexist.

The spectacle unfolding in the Assembly was therefore not merely a parliamentary controversy.

It was a familiar ritual of Indian politics: outrage that arrives swiftly when opponents offend, and silence that follows when the offence comes from within.

But the episode also revealed something deeper — a long historical contradiction that runs through Indian society.

A civilization that reveres goddesses has often struggled to respect women.

The contradiction was familiar.

Indian politics often condemns sexism selectively — loudly when it comes from opponents, quietly when it emerges from one’s own ranks.

But to treat such controversies merely as partisan hypocrisy would be to miss a deeper reality.

Misogyny in India is not simply a political problem.

It is civilisational.

The Oldest Paradox of Indian Society

Few societies celebrate the feminine as reverentially as India does.

The divine feminine occupies a central place in religious life. Goddesses such as Durga, Lakshmi and Saraswati are worshipped as embodiments of power, wealth and wisdom.

Temples across the country resound with the ancient verse:

“Yatra Naryastu Pujyante Ramante Tatra Devata”
(Where women are worshipped, the gods rejoice.)

Yet the lived experience of women tells a starkly different story.

Domestic violence, moral policing, sexist humour, honour killings and degrading political rhetoric remain persistent realities.

The contradiction raises a fundamental question: How did a civilization that symbolically exalted women produce a society that frequently humiliates them?

To answer that question requires tracing the long history of patriarchy — not just in India, but in human civilization itself.

When Patriarchy Was Invented

Anthropological evidence suggests that early human communities were not strictly patriarchal.

Hunter-gatherer societies often exhibited relatively egalitarian gender relations. Women played central roles in food gathering, medicinal knowledge and social organization.

The transition to agriculture changed this balance.

When societies began accumulating property — land, livestock, wealth — controlling inheritance became crucial. That, in turn, required controlling women’s sexuality.

The historian Gerda Lerner argued that patriarchy emerged as a system designed to regulate women’s reproductive capacity.

As she wrote in The Creation of Patriarchy:

“The appropriation of women’s sexual and reproductive capacity by men preceded the development of private property.”

In other words, patriarchy was not natural. It was constructed.

Early India: Between Freedom and Control

Early Vedic literature suggests that women in ancient India may have enjoyed greater autonomy than in later centuries.

Women such as Gargi Vachaknavi and Maitreyi appear in the Upanishads engaging in philosophical debates with male sages.

They were not merely passive participants in spiritual life.

But this relatively open social order gradually narrowed.

As societies became more stratified, religious and legal codes began emphasizing female obedience.

The Manusmriti, a foundational text in the codification of social norms, declared that women should remain under permanent male guardianship.

“A woman must never be independent.”

The line became one of the most enduring expressions of patriarchal ideology in South Asia.

Brahmanical Patriarchy: Caste and Gender

The Indian feminist historian Uma Chakravarti introduced the influential concept of Brahmanical patriarchy.

This system linked caste hierarchy with control over women’s sexuality.

The logic was simple but powerful: preserving caste purity required regulating women’s bodies.

Strict marriage rules ensured that caste boundaries remained intact.

Women’s autonomy therefore became a threat to the social order.

The sociological insight of this framework was later reinforced by the political thinker B. R. Ambedkar.

Ambedkar argued that endogamy — marriage within caste — was the central mechanism that sustained caste hierarchy.

Controlling women’s marriage choices therefore became essential to maintaining caste dominance.

Ambedkar famously observed:

“Caste is endogamy, and endogamy means the control of women.”

Thus patriarchy in India cannot be understood without understanding caste.

Honour, Seclusion and Medieval Patriarchy

Over centuries, patriarchal norms became deeply entrenched.

During medieval periods marked by warfare and political instability, the obsession with protecting family honour intensified.

Practices such as purdah, child marriage and restrictions on education became widespread in many regions.

Women increasingly became symbols of community prestige.

Sociologists describe this phenomenon as honour-based patriarchy — a system in which women’s autonomy is sacrificed to preserve male honour.

The echoes of this mindset remain visible in contemporary institutions such as khap panchayats.

The Khap Mindset

Khap panchayats, prevalent in parts of northern India, claim to defend social traditions.

In practice, they often police women’s behaviour — especially in matters of marriage and sexuality.

Inter-caste marriages, inter-faith relationships and even marriages within the same village have sometimes been punished through social boycotts or violence.

Women’s autonomy is treated as a threat to social order.

The logic of the khap mindset is simple: female independence disrupts patriarchal authority.

Violence as Social Control: The Data Behind Patriarchy

Behind the rhetoric of reverence lies a much harsher reality.

India’s crime statistics reveal that violence against women remains one of the most persistent features of the social order. According to the National Crime Records Bureau, hundreds of thousands of crimes against women are reported every year across the country.

These include rape, domestic violence, dowry deaths, acid attacks, stalking and trafficking.

Yet experts caution that the real numbers are almost certainly higher.

Social stigma, fear of retaliation and pressure from families often discourage women from reporting abuse. In many rural communities, local institutions — including caste councils and khap panchayats — still encourage families to “settle” such cases quietly rather than pursue legal action.

Domestic violence remains particularly under-reported.

Despite the enactment of the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005, enforcement remains inconsistent. Police officers sometimes treat domestic abuse as a “family matter,” discouraging victims from filing complaints.

The persistence of such attitudes reflects the deeper cultural belief that a woman’s primary duty is to preserve family honour — even at the cost of her own dignity or safety.

Violence, in this sense, becomes not merely a crime but a mechanism of social control.

Reform Without Liberation

The nineteenth century brought reform movements that challenged some oppressive practices.

Reformers such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy campaigned against sati.

Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar advocated widow remarriage.

But many reforms were paternalistic.

They sought to create a respectable “modern Indian woman” rather than dismantle patriarchy itself.

The political theorist Partha Chatterjee argued that nationalist ideology divided society into two spheres.

Men occupied the outer domain of politics and economic life.

Women were assigned the inner domain of culture and morality.

Thus women were symbolically elevated but practically confined.

Democracy Without Equality

Independent India adopted a progressive Constitution guaranteeing equality.

Yet social attitudes remained stubbornly patriarchal.

Women continue to be underrepresented in political institutions.

Even after the passage of the Women's Reservation Bill, 2023, the implementation timeline remains uncertain.

Political power remains overwhelmingly male.

The Language of Humiliation in Politics

Misogyny in political rhetoric often follows predictable patterns.

Women leaders are attacked through sexualised insults, comments on appearance or moral policing.

Examples abound.

Dayashankar Singh compared Mayawati to a prostitute.

Mulayam Singh Yadav mocked her as a “parkati aurat”.

Narendra Modi once referred to Sonia Gandhi as a “Jersey cow”.

Azam Khan made vulgar remarks about Jaya Prada.

Kailash Vijayvargiya dismissed Priyanka Gandhi Vadra as merely a “chocolaty face”.

Such language reveals how women’s legitimacy in politics is frequently undermined through gendered insults.

Patriarchy Across Parties

No political party is immune.

Within the Aam Aadmi Party, leaders such as Kumar Vishwas and Naresh Balyan have faced criticism for sexist remarks.

Rajya Sabha MP Swati Maliwal has also accused party leadership of failing to address gender-related grievances after an assault controversy involving an aide of Arvind Kejriwal.

Misogyny in politics mirrors misogyny in society.

Cinema, Popular Culture and the Male Gaze

Patriarchy is not sustained only through law and custom.

It is also reproduced through culture.

Indian cinema, television and digital media have long played a powerful role in shaping social attitudes toward women. Feminist scholars have argued that the entertainment industry often reinforces traditional gender roles rather than challenging them.

The concept of the male gaze, articulated by film theorist Laura Mulvey, describes how visual media frequently portray women as objects of male desire rather than autonomous individuals.

In mainstream commercial cinema, female characters often exist primarily as romantic interests, victims or decorative figures.

Item songs, voyeuristic camera angles and scripts that normalize stalking as courtship have all contributed to the sexualisation of women’s bodies in popular culture.

These portrayals influence social behaviour in subtle but significant ways.

Young audiences absorb messages about masculinity and femininity long before they encounter political discourse. When films glorify aggressive male pursuit and depict women as passive recipients of attention, they reinforce patriarchal assumptions about gender relations.

The cultural critic bell hooks once observed that media representations are not merely reflections of society but active participants in shaping it.

In India, where cinema holds enormous cultural influence, this insight carries particular weight.

Hypocrisy in Public Morality

One of the most revealing aspects of contemporary discourse is selective outrage.

Songs by artists like Badshah may provoke FIRs and moral panic.

But sexist remarks by powerful politicians often go unpunished.

The pattern reveals a troubling truth: public morality is enforced selectively.

Why Patriarchy Still Survives

If patriarchy has faced centuries of critique and reform, why does it persist?

The answer lies in the way patriarchal systems embed themselves across institutions — family, religion, economy and politics.

Patriarchy is not merely an attitude.

It is a structure of power.

Within families, sons are often preferred because they inherit property, carry forward the family name and perform last rites for parents. Daughters, by contrast, are sometimes perceived as financial liabilities due to dowry expectations.

Economic inequality further reinforces these patterns.

Women’s labour force participation in India remains significantly lower than that of men. Limited access to employment reduces women’s economic independence, making it harder for them to challenge abusive relationships or discriminatory social norms.

Religion and tradition also play a role.

Cultural narratives frequently idealize women as self-sacrificing mothers or obedient wives. While such images are presented as virtues, they often function as tools of social discipline.

Politics, meanwhile, rarely challenges these norms decisively.

Women remain severely underrepresented in legislatures. Even where legal reforms exist, political will to enforce them often fluctuates depending on electoral calculations.

The feminist philosopher Kate Millett famously described patriarchy as “a political institution.”

Its survival therefore depends on the continued distribution of power — who holds it, who benefits from it and who challenges it.

Until those structures change, patriarchal attitudes will continue to surface not only in everyday life but also in the language of political leaders.

Changing the Social Order

Real change requires confronting patriarchy at its roots.

Families must treat daughters and sons equally.

Education must challenge gender stereotypes.

Media must represent women as autonomous individuals rather than objects.

Politics must hold leaders accountable for sexist speech.

The Question India Must Answer

India proudly celebrates the divine feminine.

But reverence without equality is hypocrisy.

As the philosopher Simone de Beauvoir wrote:

“One is not born, but rather becomes, a woman.”

Society constructs gender roles.

And therefore society can change them.

Until that transformation occurs, India will continue to live with its oldest contradiction:

Women will be worshipped in temples — and ridiculed in politics.

Footnotes

1. Gerda Lerner, The Creation of Patriarchy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986). Lerner argues that patriarchal control over women’s sexuality and reproductive capacity preceded the emergence of private property systems.

2. Stephanie Jamison and Joel Brereton, The Rigveda: The Earliest Religious Poetry of India (Oxford University Press, 2014). The text highlights the participation of women such as Gargi Vachaknavi and Maitreyi in philosophical discourse.

3. Manusmriti, Chapter 9. The text codifies patriarchal norms and prescribes permanent guardianship of women by male relatives.

4. Uma Chakravarti, “Conceptualising Brahmanical Patriarchy in Early India,” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 28, No. 14 (1993).

5. B. R. Ambedkar, “Castes in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development,” originally presented at Columbia University, 1916. Ambedkar argues that caste is sustained through strict endogamy.

6. Leela Dube, Women and Kinship: Comparative Perspectives on Gender in South and South-East Asia (United Nations University Press, 1997).

7. Supreme Court of India, Shakti Vahini v. Union of India (2018). The Court condemned honour killings and directed states to prevent interference by caste councils in adult marriages.

8. National Crime Records Bureau, Crime in India Annual Report (latest edition). The report provides nationwide data on crimes against women.

9. Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005, Government of India.

10. Laura Mulvey, “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema,” Screen, Vol. 16, No. 3 (1975). Mulvey introduced the concept of the “male gaze” in film theory.

11. bell hooks, The Oppositional Gaze: Black Female Spectators (Boston: South End Press, 1992).

12. Kate Millett, Sexual Politics (New York: Doubleday, 1970). Millett defines patriarchy as a political system that institutionalizes male dominance.

13. Inter-Parliamentary Union, Women in National Parliaments Report (latest edition).