Haryana: Civilizational Cradle or Laboratory of Political Experiments?

   -Ramphal Kataria

The Long History of Power in Haryana: From Harappans to Panchayat Exclusion

Abstract

Haryana occupies a paradoxical position in India’s history. It is among the earliest known centers of human civilization in South Asia and simultaneously a region repeatedly subjected to political violence, administrative experimentation, and democratic disruption. From Harappan settlements and epic geographies to medieval conquest, colonial militarization, and post-colonial state restructuring, Haryana has borne the imprint of power struggles across millennia. This essay situates the contemporary crisis surrounding Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) in Haryana—particularly the postponement of elections and the imposition of exclusionary eligibility criteria in 2015—within this longer historical continuum. It argues that the denial of grassroots democracy reflects not administrative incapacity but a deliberate political project that treats democratic institutions as instruments of control rather than representation.

Civilizational Foundations and Historical Memory

The archaeological site of Rakhigarhi in Hisar district has fundamentally altered our understanding of the Indus–Saraswati civilization. Excavations have revealed urban planning, craft specialization, and material culture that rival—and in some respects predate—other major Harappan centres¹. Together with sites such as Mitathal and Agroha, these findings establish Haryana as a foundational zone of early urban civilization rather than a peripheral extension of the Indus Valley.

This deep civilizational pedigree coexists with a powerful mythological geography. Kurukshetra and the surrounding 48 kos region are widely believed to be the battlefield of the Mahabharata, where the Pandavas and Kauravas fought a war framed as a struggle between dharma and adharma. Whether read as myth, allegory, or cultural memory, the Mahabharata’s spatial anchoring in Haryana has profoundly shaped popular perceptions of the region as a land where moral conflict and political power intersect.

Historians have long noted that mythological landscapes often overlap with zones of intense historical contestation. Haryana exemplifies this pattern. The persistence of epic memory alongside archaeological remains suggests not discontinuity but layered histories, in which successive regimes appropriated and reinterpreted space to legitimise authority.

Strategic Location and the Burden of Conquest

Haryana’s proximity to Delhi has been both an asset and a curse. As a gateway to the Gangetic plains, the region repeatedly became the theatre of invasions and imperial consolidation. In the early medieval period, Thanesar emerged as a center of political power under Emperor Harshavardhana, whose reign marked a brief moment of relative stability in North India.

Subsequent centuries, however, saw relentless militarization. Turkic and Afghan invasions transformed Haryana into a corridor of conquest. Religious and architectural remnants, such as the Char Qutub Masjid, reflect the region’s early integration into Islamic political networks. The burial of Razia Sultana at Kaithal—after her violent death in 1240—stands as a stark reminder of the volatile intersection of gender, power, and regional politics².

The founding of Hisar by Sultan Firoz Shah Tughlaq in the fourteenth century further institutionalized the region’s military importance. Later, the decisive Battles of Panipat—fought in 1526, 1556, and 1761—cemented Haryana’s role as the crucible in which the fate of empires was repeatedly decided³.

Colonial Rule and the Militarisation of Society

British colonialism did not demilitarise Haryana; rather, it recognized violence through institutional means. The region was incorporated into the colonial “martial races” framework, supplying soldiers to the British Indian Army. Hansi, near Hisar, became a centre of military training under James Skinner, whose regiment symbolized the fusion of colonial discipline with local martial traditions.

This militarization had lasting social consequences. It reinforced hierarchical masculinities, valorised coercive authority, and normalized obedience to command—traits that later shaped both rural power structures and electoral politics.

Rural Society, Khaps, and Informal Sovereignty

Against this backdrop of recurrent warfare and political instability, rural Haryana developed powerful informal institutions of governance. Khaps, or clan-based councils, emerged as mechanisms for regulating social relations, resolving disputes, and enforcing norms. While often romanticized as indigenous democratic bodies, khaps historically functioned as sites of social hegemony, privileging dominant castes and patriarchal authority.

Contemporary khap interventions—particularly in matters of marriage, gender, and sexuality—cannot be understood in isolation. They are the residual expressions of a long history in which formal state authority was intermittent or externally imposed, leaving local elites to exercise de facto sovereignty.

State Formation and Developmental Aspirations

The creation of Haryana in 1966 marked a critical rupture. Carved out of Punjab, the new state inherited regions widely regarded as economically backward. Agriculture was predominantly rain-fed; irrigation infrastructure was minimal; institutional credit scarce; and industrial development negligible.

Yet, within a decade, Haryana became a symbol of agrarian transformation. Public investment in canals, tubewells, rural electrification, roads, and extension services enabled farmers to capitalize on the Green Revolution. By the late 1970s, the state ranked among India’s leaders in wheat and rice productivity.

This transformation fuelled a national discourse suggesting that smaller states could deliver faster, more responsive development. Haryana’s experience appeared to vindicate this claim—at least in material terms.

Democratic Decentralization: Promise and Contradiction

Political decentralization was expected to complement economic growth. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment (1992) accorded constitutional status to Panchayati Raj Institutions, mandating regular elections, reservation for women and marginalized groups, and devolution of powers. The 74th Amendment extended similar principles to urban local bodies.

Haryana conducted its first PRI elections under this framework in 1994. However, the promise of decentralization was quickly compromised. Section 175 of the Haryana Panchayati Raj Act introduced disqualifications that went beyond constitutional requirements, most notably the two-child norm. This provision disproportionately affected women, Dalits, and the poor, undermining the inclusive intent of the constitutional amendments⁴.

Though the Supreme Court later struck down this clause, its impact persisted for multiple electoral cycles, forcing elected representatives to adopt evasive or illegal strategies to retain office.

The 2015 Crisis: Democracy Deferred

By July 2015, the tenure of PRIs in Haryana had expired. Constitutionally, elections were required within six months. Instead, the state government postponed polls, citing incomplete ward delimitation and voter lists—justifications widely dismissed as administratively flimsy.

In August 2015, the government promulgated an Ordinance introducing new eligibility criteria for PRI candidates, including educational qualifications and economic conditions such as toilet ownership. These measures were framed as reforms aimed at improving governance quality. In reality, they represented a radical contraction of the democratic base.

When challenged, the Punjab and Haryana High Court stayed the Ordinance. Rather than comply, the government rushed amendments through the legislature, securing gubernatorial assent overnight and issuing notifications with extraordinary haste. This maneuver raised serious questions about the autonomy and constitutional role of the Governor and the State Election Commission.

Exclusion by Design

Petitions filed before the Supreme Court, including those by Jagmati Sangwan and other aspirants, exposed the scale of exclusion produced by the amendments. Estimates suggested that:

82% of Scheduled Caste women,

72% of women from the general category, and

54% of men
would be rendered ineligible to contest PRI elections⁵.

The Supreme Court stayed the operation of the amendments while allowing the electoral process to continue. However, the state government’s insistence on early hearings and its refusal to recalibrate policy resulted in the entire electoral process grinding to a halt.

Political Economy of Electoral Delay

The postponement of PRI elections had tangible socio-economic consequences. Panchayat elections in Haryana are high-stakes contests, often involving significant personal expenditure. Aspiring candidates invest savings, mortgage land, or incur high-interest loans in anticipation of elections.

The prolonged uncertainty of 2015 trapped many aspirants in a Catch-22: unable to withdraw without financial loss, yet unable to sustain mounting debts indefinitely. The delay intensified factional rivalries, deepened social cleavages, and risked long-term economic distress for ordinary villagers.

The state’s rhetoric—claiming ignorance of the scale of exclusion and invoking slogans such as “Number One Haryana”—betrayed either profound administrative incompetence or calculated indifference to democratic costs.

Conclusion: History Repeating Itself

For over four millennia, Haryana has been shaped by the ambitions of those who sought to rule India—from Harappan elites and epic heroes to sultans, emperors, colonizers, and modern political executives. Each epoch left its imprint on the region’s social structure, often at the expense of ordinary people.

The PRI crisis of 2015 is not an isolated episode. It is the latest manifestation of a historical pattern in which power is centralized, participation is restricted, and democratic institutions are subordinated to elite control.

The enduring question, therefore, is not merely administrative or legal. It is civilizational and ethical:
Is Haryana a land that nurtured one of humanity’s earliest urban cultures—or has it become a laboratory where democracy itself is repeatedly experimented upon, with its people reduced to expendable subjects?

Footnotes

1. Possehl, G. (2002): The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective.

2. Lal, K. S. (1994): History of the Khaljis.

3. Richards, J. F. (1993): The Mughal Empire.

4. Supreme Court of India judgments on PRI disqualifications (pre-2015).

5. Petitions challenging Haryana Panchayati Raj Amendments, Supreme Court of India, 2015.

 

Politics of crop failure in Haryana

Haryana is predominantly an agriculture  state. It's vicinity to national capital provide special significance to it. After its creation on Nov.1,1966, agriculture in state shown an unpredictably upsurge both in production and productivity of cereals particularly wheat and rice and contribute significantly in national pool. Green revolution of sixties played a vital role in unprecedented growth in agriculture. Creation of new state and advent of Green Revolution provided tremendous opportunities to farmers and farm labors to attain newer heights in production of cereals. Farm university and many agricultural institutions were established in Hisar and Karnal. Regional

agricultural institutions were also came into the existence in different parts of Haryana to cater need and demands of farm sector and this new development created availability of technology and knowledge at the door step of farmers. Farmers of Haryana grabbed this new opportunity with both hands and by investment of their hard work and labor took the state on higher pedestal of agriculture growth. But this growth also brought new challenges before the farm sector. New varieties and technology was high input intensive package. Now  Agriculture production was not possible without  fertilizer, pesticides and irrigation. These inputs demanded for higher dose of furnace in agriculture production. And we see the simultaneous growth in the fields of new farm implements, tractors, more pesticides and seed agencies and more tube wells and submersibles. These inputs burdened the agriculture enormously. Farmers were made to raise crop loans from commission agents initially and later on from organised banking sectors against pledging of their lands. Since Haryana is in the bracket of high growth of population and its population increased exponentially over the past 48 years. This led to shrinkage of farm holdings and over burdened by crop loans. Requirement of irrigation led to more installation of tube wells and so power bills surprised the farmers of this new state. In nutshell, higher production created higher indebtedness of farmers. Agriculture remains a profitable vocation anymore. Most of the farmers are debt ridden and find it difficult to pursue agriculture as an vocation. But there is no other option and hence pursuing this. The landless agricultural laborers who reaped dividends of boom in agriculture production are now find it difficult to be engaged in agriculture because farmers family could meet the requirements of labor. At the peak of season such as seeding of crop or harvesting provide work to agriculture laborers. Both farmers and farm labors are in dire straits.

The plight of farmers breed opportunity for politics. Political parties are engaged in create a demand of compensation for crop loss to weather's vagaries or for any other flimsy ground instead of making a comprehensive agriculture policy to save the agriculture. They created it a tool to garner sympathy and votes. In last decade this demand of compensation is at fore now and then. Farmers are made to demand compensations rather than remedy for challenges before agriculture. Compensation on crop loss is the duty and responsibility of government of the day but assessment and distribution of such competition must be objective and the benefit must reach to the actual looser. Unfortunately this is not happening. Political clout of a ruling party leader rules the assessment and its distribution. Recently, rabi crops were affected by unseasonable rains and hailstorms in some parts of Haryana and it was the duty of the government to compensate the farmers whose crop lost beyond the prescribed limit of the damage parameters. But department and government failed to make an objective assessment of crop loss and hasten got the report of special harvest inspection and sanctiond an amount of ₹1072 crore for compensation. This was the big amount to be distributed for crop loss within a month or two after crop loss. What is glaring is that actual area of damage and farmers were not identified properly rather pressure groups and heavy weights in government successfully got the bigger share for their areas. It was the politics of compensation and that rubbed the salts on the wounds of lakhs of affected farmers who were robbed of the chances of fair compensation. It is also glaring that the total production of rabi crops surpassed the arrivals in markets. There is no logic how to justify this crop loss and drama of compensation. It's also fact that certain areas really affected by the unseasonable rains and weather's vagaries. But the areas where such loss was marginal were benefited the most. Episode of Assandh is more shocking where farmers were able to press the government to a mince the compensation after the harvest of rabi crops and without any subjective or objective crop loss assessment. It is imperative that now on farmers have been made to demand compensation and they forget the comprehensive agriculture policy or implementation of Swaminathan Commission Report for saving the farm sector and bestowing honor and respect to the producers of grain whose tireless efforts and bone breaking labor fills the bellies of the millions of Indians. At the same time the important parcel and agent of agriculture Production network is ignored and that is landless agriculture laborers. None spoke for them from where they'll earn their yearly pool of grains when crops were lost in their villages? Without their contribution agriculture is not possible and they should be made a part of fair compensation program. Is politics of compensation is doing good for farmers or ruining their zest to fight the odds and turning them into potential beggars? Is politics of compensation is deliberately destroying their demand and fight for comprehensive crop policy? Is this the way to treat 'anndata'? 

When Economics Erases Women: A Stark Reality from Western Haryana

-Ramphal Kataria

Divorced to Save Land: How Law Is Used to Erase Women

“The most common way people give up their power is by thinking they don’t have any.” — Alice Walker

Haryana is a small state in northern India, administratively divided into 21 districts and 80 subdivisions. Sirsa, situated in the north-western part of the state and bordering Punjab to the north and Rajasthan to the west, presents a social reality that is both distinctive and disturbing. While rural Haryana broadly shares common socio-economic features, this region stands apart due to the overwhelming dominance of large landowners—an imbalance far sharper here than in most other parts of the state.

Land reforms implemented in Haryana during the 1970s sought to place ceilings on agricultural holdings. Landowners were permitted to retain less than 18 acres of irrigated double-crop land, up to 25 acres of single-crop land, and up to 50 acres of inferior or non-irrigated land. However, in Sirsa district—particularly in Ellenabad—the intent of these reforms was quietly subverted. At the time of implementation, much of the land was barren and unirrigated, enabling landlords to legally retain vast tracts. With the later expansion of irrigation and agricultural development, these lands turned fertile and highly profitable, generating enormous wealth for a few.

“Where there is inequality, law does not operate equally—it adapts itself to power.”

This transformation widened the economic gulf between marginal farmers and large landowners. Small farmers and landless families struggled to meet both productive and non-productive expenses—seeds, fertilizers, implements, medical treatment, and deeply entrenched social obligations such as the marriage of daughters and bhat-chhuchhak (customary gifts and monetary assistance given to daughters on ceremonial occasions). Lacking access to institutional credit, they borrowed from landlords at exorbitant interest rates. Over time, repayment became impossible. Small parcels of land were sold under coercive conditions, gradually consolidating landholdings in the hands of a few powerful families, far exceeding legally permissible limits.

The inevitable question arose: how was this surplus land to be protected from state acquisition?

The answer lay in the most vulnerable members of the family—the women.

In a society that is deeply feudal and patriarchal, women possess little voice and even less awareness of legal or economic dealings. As Simone de Beauvoir observed, “One is not born, but rather becomes, a woman.” In western Haryana, this “becoming” often means learning to disappear silently.

Large landowners devised a calculated and socially sanctioned strategy: using the legal identity of married women to shield surplus land. Mutually agreed divorce petitions were filed in courts, where husbands formally consented to transfer land to their wives as a means of livelihood and maintenance. In reality, this land belonged to the surplus pool and would otherwise have been liable for acquisition.

A unit of surplus land was thus “saved” by legally dissolving a marriage.

“Patriarchy has no gender—it survives on silence.”

The cruelty of this arrangement is difficult to overstate. The woman—often a mother of young children—continued to live within the same household, raising the children of her “divorced” husband, under the same roof, but without legal status, social dignity, or security. Marriage, sanctified through sacred rituals and lifelong vows to protect a woman’s honour and safety, was reduced to a disposable legal instrument for protecting property.

This is male hegemony at its most grotesque. Women are used to fulfill sexual roles, to bear and raise children, and ultimately to sacrifice their legal existence for male economic gain. Their silence is manufactured, not chosen. As Bell Hooks wrote, “Patriarchy has no gender. Women can perpetuate it just as easily as men, when survival demands submission.”

The exploitation does not end with divorce.

In June 2014, the government notified exemption of stamp duty on the transfer of acquired property within the family. The same woman—now legally divorced—is compelled to transfer the land she received through the court decree back to the man or his family, citing herself as a divorced wife. This transaction is fundamentally untenable: once a marriage is annulled, the familial relationship ceases to exist. Yet, the process continues unchecked, robbing the state of revenue and normalizing fraud under the cover of legality.

“A woman without legal identity is the easiest subject of exploitation.”

What unfolds here is not merely economic manipulation but the systematic annihilation of women’s personhood. Economics becomes the deciding force that dictates whether a woman will retain dignity, legal identity, or even recognition as a human being within her own household.

In the so-called affluent families of this feudal order, women are expected to erase themselves to safeguard male wealth. Monetary corruption may be investigated and punished, but who will confront this deeper moral decay? Who will fight a corruption that destroys human values, abuses judicial processes, and turns women into expendable instruments of accumulation?

“The true measure of a society is not how it treats its wealthy men, but how easily it sacrifices its women.”

In this part of Haryana, patriarchy does not merely subordinate women—it consumes them. Their suffering is normalized, their sacrifice glorified, their erasure justified in the name of family honour and economic security. When a society compels its women to surrender marriage, legality, and dignity to protect land and wealth, one must ask: is this still a society of humans? Or an immoral order sustained by a uniquely brutal form of corruption—where the ultimate cost is a woman’s erased existence?

 

From Clan to Cage: How Caste Still Chains Northern India

-Ramphal Kataria

From Herds to Honor Killings: How Gotra and Caste Still Rule Northern India

Outwardly, northern India looks modern. Cities gleam, economies boom, women work alongside men, and social media buzzes with talk of equality. Look closer, though, and you see a society shackled by ancient codes—caste, gotra, and village-level hierarchies dictate who you can marry, whom you can love, and sometimes, how you live or die.

From ‘Jan’ to Gotra: A Tool for Survival

Historian Rahul Sankrityayan’s Manav Samaj reminds us that Indian society didn’t start with rigid caste lines. Early humans lived in kinship-based clans called ‘Jan.’ Survival depended on cooperation; economic cohesion was everything.

Gotra, originally a lineage identifier, ensured exogamy—marrying outside one’s clan to prevent genetic defects. It was rational, scientific, and essential for the community’s survival. A tool of social cohesion, not oppression.

When Survival Became Strata: Gotra Hardens into Caste

Agriculture changed everything. Land and surplus created hierarchy. Occupational divisions became hereditary. Gotra, once a simple social device, became embedded in the rigid caste system:

Caste Endogamy: Marry within your caste.

Gotra Exogamy: Marry outside your gotra.

Thousands of tiny social compartments emerged, locking people into identities they did not choose. Mobility shrank, opportunity narrowed, love became regulated.

Invaders, Mughals, and the British: Cementing Rigidity

Aryans, Greeks, Mughals, and the British all left their mark. Mughals centralized administration; British censuses and laws froze identities. Instead of evolving fluidly, caste hardened. Each invader, knowingly or not, left society more introverted, hierarchical, and fragile.

Haryana: Where Modernity Collides with Tradition

Haryana is the perfect case study. The Green Revolution brought prosperity. Urbanization and education bring exposure. Yet, caste often trumps religion, and village-level bhaichara extends incest taboos across entire villages.

Young men and women fall in love across castes—or even within the same gotra—and the reaction is brutal. Khap Panchayats enforce these “honor codes,” sometimes with murder. The tools of kinship have become weapons of control.

Why Change Is Inevitable—and Necessary

The original purpose of Gotra—to prevent inbreeding in small clans—is irrelevant today. Young people are working, studying, and socializing in diverse spaces. Technology, media, and economic independence are forcing new bonds across caste lines.

Society must respond:

Enforce laws protecting individual choice.

Educate communities on the scientific and social irrelevance of rigid Gotra taboos.

Promote inter-caste interactions and economic equality.

The New Social Order Is Coming

Denial only delays the inevitable. The young are forming relationships based on love, compatibility, and shared values, not outdated caste hierarchies. Tradition will clash with modernity, and some will resist violently—but history favors evolution.

Haryana—and northern India at large—stands at a crossroads. The old codes of honor and gotra cannot govern 1.4 billion people anymore. Society will adapt, and the new, humane, inclusive social order is already struggling to be born.

References

1. Dube, S. C. (1990). Indian Society. New Delhi: National Book Trust.

2. Gupta, A. (2020). Caste and cross-region marriages in Haryana: Experience of Dalit cross-region brides in Jat households. Modern Asian Studies. Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0026749X200000X

3. Sahapedia. (2024). Mahapandit Rahul Sankrityayan: The atheist monk. https://www.sahapedia.org/mahapandit-rahul-sankrityayan-atheist-monk

4. Sankrityayan, R. (1948). Manav Samaj [Human Society]. Varanasi: Bihar Hindi Granth Academy.

5. Singh, Y. (1973). Modernization of Indian Tradition. New Delhi: Thomson Press.

6. Times of India. (2023, March 15). Understanding gotras: The ancient lineage system in Hindu culture. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/astrology/others/understanding-gotras-the-ancient-lineage-system-in-hindu-culture/articleshow/110557098.cms

7. Times of India. (2025, June 22). Amend Hindu Marriage Act to curb live-in ties, same-gotra marriages: Haryana sarpanches. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chandigarh/amend-hindu-marriage-act-to-curb-live-in-ties-same-gotra-marriages-haryana-sarpanches-mahapanchayat-on-june-22/articleshow/121323794.cms

8. AbhyasOnline.in. (n.d.). Caste system in Haryana [Infographic]. https://abhyasonline.in/contents/Haryana%20GK/Haryana%20GK/People%20Of%20Haryana/Caste%20System%20In%20Haryana/

 

 

Falling obsolete modes and norms; new lease of life for young people

Haryana is a tiny state situated in the proximity of national capital. Uttar Pradesh and Uttrakhand are on it's east, Himachal Pradesh and Punjab is on it's north side whereas Rajasthan is situated in western side. Predominantly it is a rural society with huge population living in the villages. Although city centers, education, advent of new technology and scientific development has influenced the economy of the state and living style as well. Agriculture, the chief vocation of rural Haryanvi society and it has undergone tremendous change in the last five decades. Agriculture is now more scientific and more productive compared to days when Haryana was carved out from Punjab in 1966. Good income and new opportunities available changed the scenario of rural Haryana in many ways. Land tenure system has changed significantly and relation between communities as well. Increasing population has drastically shortened the land share and ownership per family. But on the same time new avenues developed in terms of job opportunities created in both public and private sector and this is largely because of spread and availability of education in villages and nearby city centers. And it couldn't be restricted to males but more females found chance to go to school and later on to colleges and universities. Although Haryanvi society remained predominantly rigid and introvert. Rural society is generally governed by norms, mode and dictum of their males. In short it is a patriarchal society where women are relegated to second fiddle abysmally and they have very little to their side if it comes to   decision making. Although elected Gram Panchayats are technically govern the villages since 1952 and 73rd amendment to constitution has improved the status, functions and working of village Panchayts. Now 1/3rd offices are reserved for women. 

Historically Haryana is a part of that land mass that has witnessed great wars and battles in its planes. The oldest civilization is said to be existed in this state. Rural society has been in influence and govern of "Khaps" since time immemorial. These Khaps have been a source and seat of delivering justice to common man. These were the informal organisation to guide and guarantee the implementation of social norms, modes and manage the variegated social contradictions. Centuries after centuries passed and these Khaps have discharged their duties and responsibilities holding the dictum of justice and it's deliverance. Unfortunately with the change of time,it was expected that these (Khaps)) will adorn the new role in the changed circumstances but  these couldn't   change themselves to demands of new urgency and requirements of the society. Once the torch bearer of equity and justness slipped into the informal organisation of crudity and cruelty where every change is opposed tooth and nail on the name of saving social values and brotherhood. Over the time these Nobel organisations attained the symbol and recognizance of brutality, intolerance and unjust. These organisations are now headed by the skewed minded so called lords. They have no respect for new changes, new values, new exigencies created by newer model of development and education although enjoys all the fruits of such happenings. Women and down trodden people are the easiest prey of the decisions of these conglomeration of hood looms (in modern context). 

Haryana is a state which is governed by such Khaps for centuries if social set up is considered. Almost all castes have their own Khaps to rule their societies. And interestingly all behave in similar way. Women are at the receiving end and young women and newly wed couples who dares to defy the so called norms created by them. In recent times, such Khaps have been in news for all wrong reasons. "Honor killings" of young couples who tie the nuptial knots against the crude rules of society. The mate choice is mercilessly restricted among st the clans, castes, sub-castes, village, group of villages aka Khap segments. Many a couples have to sacrifice their lives on the altar of their love. And such happenings haunts the young minds and they have to curb their natural affinity for someone who rules their heart. In the hind sight the role, dictate and fear of Khap is prominent. For last few years, a continuous demand is churning the round in the society to relook the thought process and actions of Khaps. "The Satrol Khap" that is a conglomeration of  four "Tapas" (sub segment)  namely Narnaund, Petwad, Baas and  Ugalan of 42 villages around Narnaund area of Hisar district has dared to challenge the tradition and rigid norms established to govern the marriages wherein families couldn't select mate for their wards within the range of 42 villages instead Gotra (sub caste) of mother, grand mother and other Gotra of the village and this situation has make the situation very grim and hopeless for mate selection resultant people have to look for brides in far flung areas and this has created an unpleasant and awkward situation. Inhabitants of the area particularly of young people have been asking to change this unreasonable and unpractical situation. It is necessary to mention here that this area is the place where once the oldest human civilization "Mohanjodaro" believed to be existed. Archaeological excavation at Rakhi Khas and Rakhi Garhi proves this notion. Perhaps the area of the oldest civilization at forefront to re-establish the humane and rationale values. The deliberations and discussion on this vital issue brought fruit in the third week of April,2014 when Khap leaders decided to dissolve this 700 years old tradition where matrimonial alliance were forbidden in 42 villages of 4 Tapas of Satrol Khap. It is not a small decision but a historical leap under the modern exigencies, needs, requirements of the society. Families of the area were abysmally cornered to find a suitable match for their kids. On the face it looks simple decision but if analysed deeply it'll emanates the bounding desire to free the society and human minds from the shackles of age old retrogressive tradition and create an environment that would bind the society with the new sentiments of freedom and liberty. Although some voice of dissent is being heard from a section of Khap but it seems it'll die it's own death as progressive thought always  prevails. And it's success is guaranteed because this decision has given new lease of life to young lads of the area and their vocal and reasonable support will make the new dawn a reality. Two families of the village Rajthal and Madan Heri decided to break this age old tradition that now has become obsolete by arranging and accepting the marriage alliance within the Satrol Khap. The pioneering step of these two families is   worth appreciation and will definitely pave the way of for making more rationale and just society that will be free from unnecessary bondage. Time is watching the new development with all curiosity and in coming days some other obsolete norms and modes will fall flat against rational and reason. New breeze is now blowing in the area where once oldest civilization flourished and surely engross whole of Haryana soon. The process of positive change that has been set in couldn't be reversed.  

Khap: A body of organisation of cluster of villages.
Satrol Khap: An organisation of 42 villages of Narnaund area.
Tapa: A sub segment or constituent of Khap.
Mohanjodaro: Oldest civilization of world.
Gotra: Sub Caste

SOCIAL TABOO-A HYPOCRISY: आधी दुनिया की पूरी कहानी

SOCIAL TABOO-A HYPOCRISY: आधी दुनिया की पूरी कहानी

Feroz Shah's Hisar-on the pinnacle of hypocrisy of variegated nature

            General  Election to the lower house of the parliament has just been concluded on 10.04.2014. Last one month has witnessed the biggest upheaval laced with vigorous campaign and malice propaganda by all political parties of  national and state political parties. Other small outfits and individuals didn't rest behind. Over the time the electioneering has changed significantly. Posters/visuals or other means gave way to people to people contact. Given this situation, expenditure should be less but it has increased manifold. And it shows money in election has changed its form in influencing the voters' behavior and pattern. It becomes evident that election that is the only tool to make the democracy vibrant and alive permits only the big players to play this game of inequality. It in itself is the biggest hypocrisy where constitute surmises that all are equal and could be a part of law makers but in actual practice commoners are not allowed to use their adult suffrage according to their volition. "Reigs" model for developing societies seems operating in real preposition and setting which postulates 'what is advocated is altogether reversed in practice'. 

          Election is the single most process which involves whole of India. People are made to think as if they are the real maker of their own destiny. And during this phase every individual is far better than any trained psephologist. Every nook and corner, tea stall, chaupal, any function, railway station, bus stand or any place where there is a possibility of congression of few people we find the best of talent at display in calculations of poll results. The main theme of "free,fair and fearless" use of ballot and deciding the fate of nation seems real and at the same time hollow. It is so because elections are fought on the lines of caste,creed,religion,region,money power or any such permutations and contradictions presumably elections are fought on the basis of policies, programmes and responsible behavior. It is presumed that every voter is free to cast his/her vote according to sweet will. 

        India is the biggest democracy world over. 28 states and 6 UTs are distributed with 543 parliamentary constituencies. India has witnessed  regime led by the oldest Political Party for the last 10 years in trot. Let the voter decide or judge the fate. Here behavior of the voter is discussed socio-politico-economical transgression and how this phenomenon influences the voting behaviour of common man. Haryana is a small state and most of its part falls in NCR. Being close to national capital, it's importance manifests manifold. Every small and big incident is reported prominently. People of Haryana  are used to take advantage of this vicinity and sometimes ugly face is at fore like that they will block the water supply, milk and other essentials to national capital. It's short of a tendency of "blackmail". 10 parliamentary seats are contributed by this small state. Hisar is one of the most important district of Haryana and represents the crux of Haryanvi culture and it's inherent contradictions. This is the area that has witnessed stark and virulent contradictions on caste lines particularly two major blocks namely Jat and Non-Jat. These contradictions have been very significant for the last five or so years. These contradictions have at the fore in deciding the voters behaviour and  voting pattern. 41 candidates are in fray from this parliamentary constituency included all major political parties. It suggests how vibrant and inclusive our democracy has grown over the time but if we scrutinise the seriousness of candidates, we will find how stoutly the election process is managed or thwarted when we find seven candidates named Kuldeep to sabotage the chances of one single candidate of major regional party. Out of 41, almost 35 candidates are dummy who are put by other major players to waste or cut the vote share of others. These are popularly known as "vote cutters". Here it is significant to note  that "by election" held in 2011, one candidate got the election symbol "Road Roller" with certain resemblance to "Tractor" and interestingly this unknown candidate was fourth in the tally. This amply shows that how democratic our approach is! 

           In this election, if one thinks that political parties has sought the voters support on the principles enshrined in constitution and different statutes governing election process is making himself fool. And it's very clear now if we look at the fall out of voting pattern. It is the other thing that theoretically elections should be fought on issues affecting common man positively or negatively. Programmes and policies should be central but world knows how India reacts in its elections. In Haryana, elections are fought on crude sentiments of caste or blocks of certain castes popularly known as "Jats and Non-Jats". Division of voters on caste line has been engineered deliberately to ease the process of vote catching. This design suits some and also put some other political parties at visible disadvantage. This has resulted in rise of "new breed of caste lords" who preaches the hatred amongst people on the name of caste to execute their well thought game plan to garner benefit of different hues such as socio-politico-economical significance. Issues like development, welfare measures, better administrative delivery system, dearness, employment for youths, education, security, social issues like women safety, decriminalization of social set up, gender equity etc lagged behind hopelessly. It is apparent that such huge and magnanimous social divide will further fragment the society post election. 

           Hisar has been the battleground for caste conflicts and movements for the last four or five years prominent amongst them are infamous Mirchpur incident, Dabra rape episode of a Dalit girl, compelling circumstances to flee the Dalit villagers from Bhagana and again kidnapping and rape of four teenager girls of same village during the electioneering and Jat Reservation Movement for the last three-four years in a trot. All these major happenings affected the rural societies significantly. Caste divide is at it's zenith in Hisar. Jat Reservation Movement alienated the real backward classes from the bigger whole. Every village is experiencing this spark of ugly caste division particularly in this region.  A slight ignition could spoil and vitiate the village atmosphere on any flimsy ground. Here it is necessary to note that  caste lords of both blocks are engaged not to broker peace and deliberately sabotage every sincere effort made by rational elements. It is evident from the recent happenings that Dalits were deliberately dissuaded to return to their native place even liberally compensated by government. Still Mirchpur and Bhagana victims are resisting or more accurately made to resist. The other important happening in the area was "Jat reservation Movement" that not only stir this region but also whole of Haryana. The leadership of the movement and it's support base materialized it in reality. There is no use of commenting on its relevance or otherwise but one thing is abundantly clear that this was a crest fall upon the original backward classes on finding new companion on the same path. Government is more wicked and shrewd in its approach and it provided a toy of this new found "mantra" to placate the masses of forward castes without any such demand. Furthering the cause this year on 4th January government succeeded in notify this caste in Central list of OBCs and in the process it has failed those other four castes that has been included in SBC. The dumb Haryana shocked on this new development and sealed the fate of unison of Haryanvi society. It is pertinent to mention here that another long serving Chief Minister of Haryana played the same card to placate a section of SCs of Haryana way back in 1996. That game plan perhaps benefited him but segmented the Dalits of Haryana permanently and fruits of his sapling are now abounded the taste and vision of that particular section of oppressed class. If both these incidents are looked in composite, one thing is very clear that social fabric has torn beyond repair. 

           India has witnessed a new movement on the name of corruption and Lok Pal under the aegis of Anna. Whole of India stirred beyond expectations and a new hope of positive change engulfed the well fed middle class. The gamut of leadership of this new movement drawn from extreme left orientation in Arvind Kejriwal and Baba Ramdev on another extreme of right. Most others rest in the middle. This chaos resulted into the killing of faith in the well directed change. A new political outfit emerges from it with loaded hopes and favorable change. This is in one sense a positive development. But the actions of this new outfit are as hilarious as it's rise. Hisar is the home district of the main crusader of this movement. Rational people of Haryana in general and Hisar in particular have great hope but all this proved a bubble in stormy water when he picked a retired bureaucrat to contest this election from here who is known for his proximity to present Cheif Minister and who was used as a tool to unsettle the historic decision of cancelling the land mutations of Robert Vadra a scion of first family of India. So is he known as "blue eyed boy" of Chief Minister. The other major vocalist The Baba who is harping on bringing back "black money" staked in foreign nations to India ended it when he vigorously campaigned in favour of the young lad of another prominent dynasty of Haryana. The tendencies and contradictions at fore in Hisar are not isolated but an offshoot of happening in Haryana. This well developed state in terms of per capita income and use of modern facilities is hell bent upon to widen the gap between the communities in general and man to man in particular and experiencing the new range of backwardness in its forward castes. Political parties are seeking votes on caste lines spilling venom in the garb of 36 Biradari. This is the Hisar of Feroz Shah Tughlaq whose father wished to ameliorate the conditions of his nations on "leather coin". We are born hypocrite but this time hypocrisy is it's pinnacle. Who knows rationality finds way through these hypocritical tendencies!!!!