Saturday, February 14, 2026

Stubble Burning Beyond Air Pollution: Soil Health, Crop Residue, and the Political Economy of Agrarian Practices in North India

-Ramphal Kataria

When Straw Burns, Soil Suffers: Agrarian Stress and Crop Residue Management

Abstract

Recent parliamentary statements have asserted that crop residue burning contributes only marginally—around five per cent—to winter air pollution in Delhi–NCR. While this challenges the persistent vilification of farmers in Punjab, Haryana, and western Uttar Pradesh as primary polluters, the narrow focus on air-quality attribution obscures a deeper agrarian and ecological crisis. This paper argues that stubble burning must be analyzed primarily as a problem of soil health deterioration, residue mismanagement, and structural stress in intensive monoculture systems, rather than as an episodic environmental externality. Drawing on agronomic science, soil microbiology, and crop husbandry research, the paper demonstrates how residue burning destroys soil organic matter, beneficial microorganisms, and long-term fertility. It situates the practice historically within the post-Green Revolution wheat–rice cycle, characterized by compressed sowing windows, mechanization, shrinking landholdings, and weak agricultural extension. The paper further examines the economic value of crop residues as fodder and industrial biomass, and critiques punitive policy responses that ignore agrarian realities. It concludes that even if stubble burning is a minor contributor to urban air pollution, its adverse impacts on soil sustainability and farm incomes warrant urgent, non-coercive intervention centered on residue conservation, mechanization, and knowledge dissemination.

1 Introduction: Pollution Metrics and Agrarian Blind Spots

In recent years, the Union government has sought to recalibrate the public discourse on stubble burning by emphasizing its limited contribution to winter air pollution in Delhi–NCR. Statements in Parliament by the Ministers of Agriculture and Environment, supported by monitoring data from the Commission for Air Quality Management, have described farm fires as an “episodic event” rather than a structural driver of air-quality deterioration.

While this re-framing usefully challenges the scapegoating of farmers for an urban governance failure, it also risks reducing stubble burning to a binary pollution debate: either it causes smog or it does not. Such a framing sidelines the agrarian, ecological, and economic consequences of residue burning, which unfold not in winter air-quality indices but in the soil profile over decades.

This paper argues that even if stubble burning were entirely irrelevant to Delhi’s air pollution, it would remain a scientifically unsound and economically wasteful agrarian practice. The core issue is not smog alone, but the systematic erosion of soil health in intensive cereal-based production systems.

2 Crop Residue and Soil Health: Scientific Foundations

2.1 Role of Organic Matter in Soil Systems

Soil organic matter (SOM) is the cornerstone of soil fertility, influencing physical structure, chemical buffering, and biological activity. In cereal-dominated systems, crop residues are the principal on-farm source of organic carbon. Long-term experiments across the Indo-Gangetic plains have shown that residue retention increases soil carbon stocks, improves aggregation, and enhances moisture retention—critical under conditions of groundwater stress.

Stubble burning results in the instantaneous oxidation of organic carbon, with substantial losses of nitrogen, sulphur, and micronutrients. While potassium remains partially available in ash form, this short-term gain is agronomically insignificant compared to the structural damage caused by carbon depletion.

Table 1: Nutrient Loss Due to Burning of One Tonne of Paddy Straw

Nutrient

Quantity Lost

Agronomic Implication

Nitrogen (N)

~5–6 kg

Reduced soil fertility, higher fertiliser demand

Phosphorus (P)

~2–3 kg

Lower nutrient availability

Potassium (K)

~20–25 kg

Partial retention as ash, short-term benefit

Organic Carbon

~400 kg

Long-term soil structure degradation

2.2 Impact on Soil Microorganisms

Scientific studies consistently demonstrate that surface fires elevate soil temperatures sufficiently to kill or severely reduce populations of beneficial microorganisms in the topsoil. These include nitrogen-fixing bacteria, phosphate-solubilising microbes, and fungi involved in residue decomposition and nutrient cycling.

The destruction of microbial biomass reduces nutrient-use efficiency and accelerates dependence on chemical fertilisers. Over time, soils subjected to repeated burning exhibit lower biological activity, declining fertility, and reduced resilience to climatic stress.

3 Historical Evolution of Crop Husbandry and the Emergence of Burning

3.1 From Mixed Farming to Monoculture

Stubble burning is not an inherited agrarian tradition; it is a relatively recent outcome of post-Green Revolution transformations. Prior to the consolidation of the wheat–rice cycle, North Indian agriculture featured mixed cropping, livestock integration, and longer fallow periods. Crop residues were routinely used as fodder or fuel.

Agricultural research and mechanization enabled multiple cropping and higher yields, but also compressed crop calendars, particularly between paddy harvest and wheat sowing.

3.2 The Wheat–Rice Time Constraint

In Punjab and Haryana, farmers often have less than two weeks to clear paddy residues and prepare fields for wheat. Combine harvesters leave behind large volumes of loose straw and standing stubble, making manual removal uneconomic under rising labour costs. Burning thus emerges as a time-saving response to structural constraints, rather than a preferred agronomic practice.

4 Minimum Tillage, Zero Tillage, and Extension Failure

Scientific evidence strongly supports minimum and zero-tillage systems combined with residue retention. These practices conserve soil carbon, reduce fuel use, and maintain yields. However, adoption remains uneven.

Official statistics frequently report high adoption rates of zero tillage, direct seeding of rice, and mechanised residue management. Field-level evidence suggests that such data often reflect one-time demonstrations rather than sustained practice. Agricultural extension has increasingly prioritised reporting targets over building farmer understanding of long-term soil benefits.

Punitive approaches—fines, prosecutions, and coercive enforcement—have limited efficacy in the absence of credible alternatives and sustained extension support.

5 Residue as Economic Resource: Fodder, Fuel, and Income

5.1 Crop Residue as Livestock Feed

Crop residues constitute a major share of livestock feed in semi-arid regions. Paddy straw, though nutritionally inferior to wheat straw, remains essential during lean periods. Burning residues eliminates a key input into mixed farming systems, forcing farmers to purchase fodder at rising market prices and increasing household vulnerability.

Table 2: Role of Crop Residue in Livestock Feeding

Aspect

Without Residue

With Residue

Summer fodder availability

Low

Moderate

Fodder purchase cost

High

Reduced

Livestock productivity

Lower

Stabilized

5.2 Industrial and Energy Uses

Residues also have growing potential as industrial biomass—for power generation, biofuels, and brick kilns. Mechanised bundling and baling, supported through affordable custom-hiring centers, can convert stubble into a marketable commodity, supplementing farm incomes.

6 Biological Yield, Economic Yield, and the Harvest Index

Agronomic analysis distinguishes between economic yield (grain) and biological yield (total biomass). Stubble burning discards a substantial portion of biological yield, reducing the effective harvest index of cereal systems. From a systems perspective, residue utilization enhances total productivity, even if grain yields remain unchanged.

Table 3: Biomass Economics of Paddy Residue (Per Hectare)

Component

Approximate Value

Paddy straw generated

6–8 tonnes

Market value (fodder/biomass)

₹3,000–6,000

Cost of mechanized removal

₹1,500–2,000

Net potential gain

Positive, if markets exist

7 Air Pollution, Percentages, and Policy Evasion

The assertion that stubble burning contributes only five per cent to air pollution should not be misread as a validation of the practice. Environmental impacts cannot be assessed solely through urban air-quality metrics. Soil degradation, loss of organic matter, and declining biological activity represent long-term externalities that are poorly captured by pollution indices.

Farmers should not be scapegoated for urban governance failures. Equally, they should not be abandoned to practices that undermine their own soil and income base.

8 Conclusion: From Fire Control to Soil Regeneration

Stubble burning is best understood as a symptom of deeper structural stresses in North Indian agriculture—monoculture, time scarcity, mechanisation, and weak extension. Addressing it requires a shift from coercion to soil-centric agrarian policy, emphasising residue conservation, affordable mechanisation, and sustained knowledge dissemination.

Even if its contribution to air pollution is limited, its damage to soil health is real, cumulative, and scientifically incontrovertible.

References

1. Bhattacharyya, R, et al (2012): “Conservation Agriculture in India: Problems, Prospects and Policy Issues,” International Soil and Water Conservation Research.

2. Lal, R (2004): “Soil Carbon Sequestration to Mitigate Climate Change,” Geoderma.

3. NAAS (2017): Crop Residue Management with Conservation Agriculture, Policy Paper No 72.

4. Pathak, H, et al (2011): “Impact of Crop Residue Burning on Soil Health and Environment,” Indian Journal of Agricultural Sciences.

5. Sidhu, H S, et al (2015): “Happy Seeder Technology for Managing Crop Residues,” Current Science.

 

Thursday, February 12, 2026

From Food Bowl to Debt Trap: The Political Economy of Agrarian Distress in Punjab–Haryana

-RamphalKataria

 

High Yields, Low Incomes: Understanding Agrarian Distress in India’s Green Revolution Heartland

Abstract

Agriculture is the material foundation of civilization, enabling settlement, surplus and the rise of states. In India, farming has historically underwritten political authority, fiscal systems and food security—from ancient agrarian communities and imperial revenue regimes to colonial extraction and post-Independence planning. Yet contemporary Indian agriculture is marked by persistent unviability and deepening indebtedness. This crisis is most acute in Punjab and Haryana, India’s principal grain-surplus regions, where farm households rank among the most indebted nationally. Drawing on official statistics, agronomic research and political economy literature, this paper argues that agrarian distress is structural rather than episodic. Fragmented landholdings, input-intensive production, ecological exhaustion, price uncertainty, labour displacement and inadequate public investment have converged to erode farm incomes. Institutional credit and welfare schemes have mitigated liquidity stress but failed to restore profitability. Situating Punjab–Haryana within the national and global context, the paper examines why agriculture has become non-remunerative, how debt has become systemic, and what pathways exist to exit the agrarian debt trap. 

किसान कर्ज़ में पैदा होता है, कर्ज़ में जीता है और कर्ज़ में ही मर जाता है।

(“The farmer is born in debt, lives in debt, and dies in debt.”)

-Sir Chhotu Ram

1. Agriculture, Civilization and the Indian Historical Trajectory

Agriculture represents the decisive transformation in human history that enabled settled life, surplus production and political organization. In the Indian subcontinent, early agrarian systems along riverine plains supported proto-urban settlements well before the Mauryan state. From the Mauryan and Gupta periods through the Sultanate and Mughal eras, agriculture formed the fiscal backbone of the state, with land revenue constituting the principal source of public finance. Investments in tanks, canals and embankments coexisted with heavy extraction, yet cultivation remained largely organic, labour-intensive and ecologically embedded.

Despite technological limits, pre-colonial agriculture sustained dense populations. Productivity gains were incremental but relatively stable, as farming practices evolved in close relation to local ecologies and customary institutions.

2. Colonial Disruption and Agrarian Vulnerability

British colonial rule fundamentally restructured India’s agrarian economy. Revenue systems such as the Permanent Settlement commodified land, fixed revenue demands and transferred risk to cultivators. While colonial authorities expanded canal irrigation, railways and market access, these interventions prioritised revenue extraction and export integration. Agriculture was exposed to global price volatility without protective institutions, contributing to recurrent indebtedness and famine.

Colonial agrarian policy thus combined infrastructural modernization with systemic vulnerability, a contradiction inherited by the post-Independence state.

3. Post-Independence Strategy and the Green Revolution

After 1947, agriculture occupied a central place in India’s development strategy. Land reforms, community development programmes, public irrigation, input subsidies and the introduction of Minimum Support Prices (MSP) aimed to stabilize production and incomes. The Green Revolution of the late 1960s transformed Punjab and Haryana into surplus-producing regions through high-yielding varieties, chemical fertilizers, mechanization and assured procurement.

Food security improved dramatically. However, the Green Revolution model was capital- and input-intensive, regionally concentrated and ecologically demanding. By the 1990s, yield growth plateaued even as costs escalated. Soil degradation, groundwater depletion and chemical dependence raised the cost of cultivation and increased vulnerability to climate shocks.

The White Revolution diversified rural livelihoods through dairying, yet could not offset declining crop profitability for small and marginal cultivators.

4. Financing Agriculture: From Usury to Institutional Credit

Historically, agriculture depended on moneylenders charging usurious interest. Bank nationalization, the expansion of cooperatives and regional rural banks, and priority sector lending marked a structural shift. Crop loans, Kisan Credit Cards and institutional finance significantly reduced dependence on sahukars and arhtiyas.

Yet institutional credit did not resolve agrarian unviability. As landholdings fragmented and production costs rose, borrowing increasingly financed survival rather than accumulation. Defaults mounted, and land records across states now reflect loan encumbrances—symbolized by red entries—indicating chronic indebtedness rather than episodic distress.

5. Punjab and Haryana: High Productivity, High Debt

Credit Architecture in Punjab–Haryana — Banks versus Arhtiyas

Agricultural credit in Punjab and Haryana operates through a dual structure. On one hand are institutional sources—commercial banks, cooperative banks and regional rural banks—providing crop loans, Kisan Credit Cards and term loans at regulated interest rates. On the other are arhtiyas (commission agents), who combine input supply, output marketing and informal credit. Despite bank expansion, a significant share of short-term credit continues to flow through arhtiyas, particularly to tenant farmers lacking formal land titles.

Institutional loans are often delayed, documentation-heavy and tied to land ownership. Arhtiyas offer immediate, flexible credit but at high implicit interest rates (often 18–24%), recovered through output price deductions. This interlocking of credit and marketing reduces farmers’ bargaining power and perpetuates dependence. As profitability declined, even institutional credit increasingly financed consumption and debt rollover rather than productive investment, blurring the line between formal and informal indebtedness.

Punjab and Haryana exemplify the paradox of surplus production alongside deep agrarian distress. As of 2026, average outstanding debt per agricultural household in Punjab is approximately ₹2.03 lakh and in Haryana ₹1.83 lakh, far above the national average of ₹74,121. Only Andhra Pradesh and Kerala report higher per-household farm debt.

Table 1: Average Outstanding Debt per Agricultural Household (₹)

State/UT

Debt per Household (₹)

Andhra Pradesh

2,45,000

Kerala

2,42,000

Punjab

2,03,000

Haryana

1,83,000

Telangana

1,52,000

Karnataka

1,26,000

Tamil Nadu

1,06,000

Rajasthan

1,13,000

Himachal Pradesh

85,825

Uttar Pradesh

51,107

Bihar

23,534

Nagaland

1,750

All-India Average

74,121

Source: National Statistical Office; Lok Sabha replies, Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers’ Welfare.

Table 1A: Selected District-Level Stress Indicators in Punjab and Haryana

State

District

Groundwater

Status

Tenancy/

Lease Intensity

Prevailing Lease Rates (₹/acre/year)

Punjab

Sangrur

Over-exploited

High-tenant

cultivation

80,000–90,000

Punjab

Moga

Over-exploited

Moderate–High

70,000–85,000

Punjab

Patiala

Critical

Moderate

60,000–75,000

Haryana

Kurukshetra

Over-exploited

Moderate

55,000–70,000

Haryana

Karnal

Critical

Moderate

50,000–65,000

Haryana

Sirsa

Semi-critical

Low–Moderate

35,000–50,000




Notes: Groundwater classification based on Central Ground Water Board assessments; lease rates from state agriculture department surveys and field studies.

The drivers of indebtedness in Punjab–Haryana are structural: shrinking operational holdings, rising input costs, wheat–paddy monocropping, ecological exhaustion, climate volatility and high land lease rates. Over-mechanization and groundwater depletion have further increased capital intensity.

6. Disguised Employment and Rural Labour Stress

Agriculture continues to absorb surplus labour due to the absence of adequate non-farm employment. Educated youth from farm households face limited job opportunities, creating disguised unemployment that depresses per capita farm incomes. Instead of supplementing agriculture, households increasingly depend on farm earnings to sustain non-earning members, intensifying pressure on land and credit.

7. Ecological Stress in Punjab–Haryana Agriculture

Punjab and Haryana illustrate the ecological limits of input-intensive farming. Groundwater extraction far exceeds recharge, with over three-fourths of assessment blocks classified as over-exploited or critical. The wheat–paddy cycle demands heavy irrigation, accelerating aquifer depletion and raising energy costs through deeper submersible pumping.

Fertilizer intensity in the region is among the highest in the country, particularly nitrogenous fertilizers, leading to soil nutrient imbalance, declining organic carbon and diminishing marginal returns to inputs. Despite rising fertilizer use, yield growth in wheat and rice has largely plateaued since the early 2000s, signalling technological exhaustion of the Green Revolution package. Climate variability—heat stress, unseasonal rain and floods—has further increased yield volatility. Together, ecological degradation and yield stagnation have raised costs while capping incomes, deepening indebtedness.

8. Policy Responses: Relief Without Viability

Recent interventions such as PM-KISAN and the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana (PMFBY) provide limited income support and risk mitigation. However, their scale is insufficient to offset rising cultivation costs and price uncertainty. MSP procurement remains crop- and region-specific, and the Swaminathan Commission’s recommendation of MSP at C2 cost + 50% remains unimplemented.

Public investment has also weakened. Budgetary allocation to agriculture has declined relative to GDP and total expenditure.

The Swaminathan MSP Formula (C2 + 50%) — Methodology and Critique

The National Commission on Farmers (2004–06), chaired by M.S. Swaminathan, recommended that Minimum Support Prices (MSP) be fixed at C2 cost plus 50 per cent. The C2 cost concept is comprehensive: it includes paid-out costs (seeds, fertilisers, pesticides, hired labour, fuel), imputed value of family labour, rent paid or imputed for owned land, interest on owned fixed capital and depreciation. The formula was intended to ensure economic viability, not mere cost recovery.

In practice, MSP calculations have relied on narrower cost concepts (A2 or A2+FL), excluding land rent and capital costs. This divergence structurally depresses farm incomes, particularly for tenant farmers and smallholders. Critics argue that C2+50% would raise fiscal costs and distort markets; proponents counter that without assured remunerative prices, farmers are forced into debt-financed production. International experience shows that price support, when combined with diversification and supply management, need not be inflationary. The non-implementation of the Swaminathan formula thus reflects a political choice rather than an economic impossibility..

Table 2: Union Budget Allocation to Agriculture

Year

Allocation (₹ lakh crore)

Share of Total Expenditure

2004–05

~0.86

~6.0%

2014–15

~2.83

~4.6%

2025–26

~1.52

~2.7%

Source: Union Budget Documents; RBI State Finances; MoAFW Expenditure Statements.

Despite agriculture employing nearly half of India’s workforce and contributing about 18% to GDP, fiscal support has not kept pace with rising risks.

9. India in Comparative Perspective

In agrarian economies such as the United States, the European Union, Brazil and China, agriculture is supported through direct income payments, counter-cyclical subsidies, comprehensive insurance and strong extension systems. Non-farm employment absorbs surplus rural labour, reducing pressure on land. India’s relative neglect of rural industrialization magnifies agrarian distress.

10. Policy Implications

The analysis points to the limits of incremental relief in addressing a structural agrarian crisis. First, price policy must shift from ad hoc procurement to assured remunerative pricing through the implementation of MSP based on the Swaminathan formula (C2 + 50%), accompanied by effective decentralized procurement and diversification incentives. Second, public investment needs reorientation toward ecological regeneration—groundwater governance, crop diversification, soil restoration and climate-resilient research—particularly in Punjab and Haryana, where the Green Revolution package has reached its ecological limits.

Third, credit policy must recognize tenancy and de-link institutional finance from land ownership, enabling tenant farmers to access formal credit without dependence on arhtiyas. Simultaneously, rural non-farm employment generation is critical to absorb surplus labour and reduce disguised employment in agriculture. Finally, welfare schemes such as PM-KISAN and PMFBY should be integrated into a broader income-security framework rather than serving as substitutes for structural reform.

Absent these measures, agrarian policy will continue to manage distress rather than restore viability.

Conclusion: From Crisis Management to Structural Reform

The agrarian crisis in Punjab and Haryana signals the limits of India’s production-centric agricultural strategy. Agriculture has become non-profitable due to structural constraints that short-term relief measures cannot resolve. Restoring viability requires assured remunerative prices, diversification away from input-intensive monocropping, ecological regeneration, expansion of non-farm employment and renewed public investment. Without such a shift, indebtedness will remain the defining feature of India’s agrarian economy.

Footnotes

1. National Statistical Office, Situation Assessment Survey of Agricultural Households, various rounds.

2. Government of India, Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers’ Welfare, Lok Sabha Unstarred Questions on farm indebtedness.

3. Swaminathan, M.S. (2006): National Commission on Farmers: Final Report.

4. Reserve Bank of India, State Finances: A Study of Budgets.

5. EPW research on Green Revolution sustainability, agrarian distress and rural labour markets.