Memory, appropriation, and the marginalisation of socialist thought in the construction of nationalist icons
-Ramphal Kataria
Abstract
The memory of Bhagat Singh in contemporary India is marked by a paradox: he is universally celebrated, yet insufficiently understood. Reduced to a symbol of youthful martyrdom and nationalist fervour, his intellectual and ideological depth—rooted in socialism, atheism, and a rigorous engagement with revolutionary theory—has been systematically diluted. This essay critically reclaims Bhagat Singh as a thinker, organiser, and ideologue of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA), situating his writings, political praxis, and ideological clarity within the broader debates of Indian nationalism and global Marxism. It further interrogates the posthumous appropriation of his legacy across political spectrums and argues that Bhagat Singh remains profoundly relevant—not as an icon, but as an unfinished intellectual project.
Keywords
Bhagat Singh, Marxism, Revolutionary Thought, HSRA, Indian Nationalism, Ideology, Political Appropriation, Secularism, Socialism, Colonial State
“The aim of life is no more to control the mind, but to develop it harmoniously; not to achieve salvation here after, but to make the best use of it here below; and not to realize truth, beauty and good only in contemplation, but also in the actual experience of daily life; social progress depends not upon the ennoblement of the few but on the enrichment of democracy; universal brotherhood can be achieved only when there is an equality of opportunity - of opportunity in the social, political and individual life.— from Bhagat Singh's prison diary, p. 124”
― Bhagat Singh, The Jail Notebook and Other Writings
I. The Making of a Revolutionary Intellectual
To understand Bhagat Singh merely as a martyr is to deny him his most radical attribute—his mind. Unlike many revolutionaries shaped primarily by impulse or circumstance, Singh consciously cultivated himself through intense reading and reflection. Between 1925 and 1928, he engaged deeply with literature on the Russian Revolution, absorbing the works of Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, and European anarchists and socialists.
His intellectual journey was neither ornamental nor abstract. It culminated in a decisive ideological shift: the transformation of the Hindustan Republican Association into the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association in 1928. This was not a cosmetic change. It signalled a movement from anti-colonial nationalism to a commitment toward socialist reconstruction.
Bhagat Singh’s oft-quoted assertion during the Lahore trial—that revolution is not merely a matter of bombs and pistols—captures this transition. For him, revolution was fundamentally about restructuring society along egalitarian lines.
II. Writings as Praxis: The Pen Behind the Pistol
Bhagat Singh’s writings are indispensable to understanding his ideological clarity. Far from being sporadic reflections, they form a coherent body of political thought.
Major Writings and Texts
Why I Am an Atheist (1930)
To Young Political Workers (1931)
The Jail Notebook
The Red Pamphlet (1929)
Introduction to Dreamland
Numerous letters, court statements, and journalistic articles
In Why I Am an Atheist, Singh dismantles religious orthodoxy with remarkable philosophical confidence. His critique is not merely theological but political—he rejects faith as a substitute for reason and agency.
“Merciless criticism and independent thinking are the two indispensable qualities of a revolutionary.”
His Jail Notebook reveals an eclectic yet disciplined engagement with global thinkers—from Marx to Victor Hugo. However, as historians like Harish Puri note, the notebook is not a systematic exposition but a compilation of excerpts—raising questions about the depth versus breadth of his engagement.
Yet, even within these fragments, a pattern emerges: Bhagat Singh was striving to build what may be called a “practising theory”—a framework that connects thought to action.
III. Organisation, Leadership, and Ideological Discipline
Bhagat Singh’s role in the HSRA was not merely operational—it was intellectual and strategic. He emerged as primus inter pares, not by authority but by ideological clarity.
Within the HSRA, debates were intense and consequential:
Should revolution be violent or mass-based?
What is the role of socialism in India’s future?
How to engage with Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress?
Bhagat Singh argued for a synthesis: while tactical violence might be necessary, it must ultimately serve a larger mass-based revolutionary transformation.
The bombing of the Central Legislative Assembly in 1929—carried out with Batukeshwar Dutt—was emblematic of this strategy. It was deliberately non-lethal, designed to “make the deaf hear.” Singh willingly courted arrest to use the courtroom as a political stage.
This was not adventurism; it was political theatre grounded in ideological purpose.
IV. The Limits of His Marxism: A Critical Appraisal
Was Bhagat Singh a Marxist thinker in the rigorous sense? The answer requires nuance.
While deeply influenced by Marxism, Singh did not develop an original theoretical framework comparable to contemporaries like Antonio Gramsci. Gramsci, writing from prison under Benito Mussolini, produced a sophisticated analysis of hegemony and civil society.
Bhagat Singh, by contrast, remained at a formative stage. His Marxism was:
Ethical and aspirational, rather than structurally analytical
Anti-imperialist, but less attentive to the complexities of colonial hegemony
Revolutionary, yet not fully grounded in mass politics
He underestimated, for instance, the depth of consent that sustained British rule—something Gandhi intuitively grasped through mass mobilisation.
Yet, to dismiss his Marxism as “rudimentary” is to ignore his age (23 at execution) and the conditions of his intellectual labour.
V. Jail as a Site of Resistance
Bhagat Singh’s imprisonment in Lahore Central Jail transformed him from a revolutionary activist into a moral and intellectual force.
His hunger strike—demanding political prisoner status—was not merely about prison conditions. It was a critique of colonial power and its racial hierarchies.
In jail, he read, wrote, debated, and refined his ideas. His correspondence reveals a remarkable composure and clarity, even in the face of death.
“It is easy to kill individuals but you cannot kill the ideas.”
VI. From Ideologue to Icon: The Politics of Appropriation
After his execution on 23 March 1931, Bhagat Singh’s legacy underwent a gradual transformation.
Across decades:
The Indian National Congress foregrounded his patriotism while muting his socialism
Left parties claimed his Marxism but often reduced his complexity
Contemporary parties—from Bharatiya Janata Party to Aam Aadmi Party—invoke his imagery devoid of ideological substance
Statues, slogans, and symbolic gestures have replaced engagement with his writings.
The absence of his texts in mainstream curricula is not accidental. His critique of religion, state power, and class exploitation remains uncomfortable for all establishments.
VII. The Silencing of a Radical Legacy
Why has no serious effort been made to institutionalise Bhagat Singh’s thought?
1. Ideological Inconvenience
His atheism and critique of religion challenge dominant narratives.
2. Class Question
His insistence on socialism disrupts elite consensus.
3. Anti-State Radicalism
His writings question not just colonial rule but structures of power per se.
4. Complexity Over Simplicity
It is easier to celebrate a martyr than to teach a thinker.
VIII. Relevance: Bhagat Singh as Thought, Not Memory
Bhagat Singh’s enduring relevance lies not in his actions but in his questions:
What is freedom beyond political independence?
Can democracy exist without social and economic equality?
What is the role of reason in public life?
His vision of Inquilab was not a moment of insurrection but a continuous process of social transformation.
“Revolution is an inalienable right of mankind.”
IX. Conclusion: Recovering the Unfinished Project
Bhagat Singh was not merely a revolutionary who died young; he was an intellectual in the making. His life represents an unfinished dialogue between theory and practice, nationalism and socialism, action and reflection.
To reclaim him is not to idolise him but to read him—to engage with his doubts, contradictions, and aspirations.
Until that happens, Bhagat Singh will remain what Indian polity has made him: a decorative relic, rather than a disruptive force.
Bhagat Singh does not demand remembrance. He demands engagement.
And perhaps that is precisely why he is remembered—but not read.
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